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What Music Fans Can Teach Progressive Politicians

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Adam met speaks about climate action at Coachella.

When Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Bernie Sanders step on stage during their progressive populism tour, the energy in the air is unmistakable. Their power to summon crowds, to animate disillusioned young people, to make ideals feel urgent and alive—that’s real. They have become the clearest inheritors of a tradition that believes in oratory as a tool of movement-building. And the crowds are listening. They chant, they cheer, they march.

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But then they go home. And that’s where the work too often stops.

The problem is not the rally. The problem is the void that follows. The sheer emotional momentum of being part of something—a sea of people unified by purpose—dissipates into the static of daily life. 

A rally cannot sustain a movement. It generates attention. It evokes emotion. But it doesn’t, by default, produce action. It doesn’t hold people to the hard, tedious, often local work of governance, organizing, and persistence. This is the central challenge for leaders of the national progressive movement: how to build durable structures to channel that energy into sustained civic and political power.

A spectacle is not a strategy. It can, however, be a starting point for something even more powerful. That’s something I learned not from my policy work in Washington but as a musician who has toured the world, playing sold-out shows at 20,000-person arenas around the country.

In the music industry, a show is never just a show. It’s a point of entry into something bigger. If fans just applaud and leave, we haven’t fully done our jobs. We want our audience to feel part of a community; we want them to act long after the concert ends. And the fans take on a surprising amount of the work to make that happen. They buy the merch, they follow us online, they listen and re-listen to the messages in our music that drew them into the fandom, and perhaps most importantly, they recruit friends and family to become fans themselves.

Social movements have a lot to learn from this. The mechanics of fandom can turn passive audiences into active participants. It’s not just about charisma; it’s about infrastructure. We start with effective storytelling and build on that by giving fans an insider’s view into what we do, whether through tour documentaries or social media posts. We engage them in serious dialogue where they can interact with us, and in fun games that put them in competition or collaboration with one another. We reach new audiences by featuring on other artists’ work and by inviting other artists to feature on ours. And that’s just the beginning.

People want to be involved—and not just as music fans. Because of my climate advocacy work, I’ve had literally thousands of fans come up to me at shows and ask for advice on how they can best contribute to the causes that matter to them. And I’ve seen how easily that hunger fades when the pathways are opaque. So last year, our band brought civic actions to concerts, setting up tables where people could sign petitions, contact representatives on important local issues, register to vote, and scan QR codes where they could sign up for future actions. As a result, more than 35,000 fans took what may have been their first steps into advocacy—not because they suddenly decided to be activists but because my nonprofit organization, Planet Reimagined, met them with structure, with clarity, and with on-ramps that made sense in their world.

There seems to be a misconception among our political leaders that civic engagement is purely intuitive, that people fired up by a speech will somehow find their way to a city council meeting, a ballot initiative, a local organization’s strategy session. But when we fail to give people concrete roles, meaningful feedback, or localized connection points, we lose them, not because they don’t care but because we never gave them a way to stay.

The truth is: participation is a learned habit. It requires invitation, orientation, repetition. Movements don’t scale because of emotion alone. They scale because someone built the scaffolding.

When that scaffolding exists, it works. We saw it with the rise of climate- and housing-justice coalitions that pushed New York State to pass legislation in 2023 permitting the state power authority to build renewable energy projects. We saw it in the coordinated pressure from voting rights groups that in 2023 helped deliver automatic voter registration and early voting access in Michigan—a victory that began at the grassroots level. These wins were not produced at rallies. They were built in the quiet persistence that followed.

Leaders like AOC and Bernie don’t need to be less magnetic. They don’t need to hold fewer rallies or tone down their message. But beyond encouraging people to run for office, they would be wise to create opportunities for engagement after the rallies are over. If movements are to endure, they must be careful not to mistake emotional resonance for political effectiveness. They must take seriously the architecture of engagement—the hard, strategic, often unglamorous labor of translating applause into policy. It takes talent to inspire a large audience at a live event. But it takes concrete tactics to ensure that when people leave the rally or close the livestream, they know not just what they feel, but what they’re supposed to do next.

Adam Met is the author of the new book AMPLIFY: How to Use the Power of Connection to Engage, Take Action, and Build a Better World.


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EBRD Lends $41.6M to Upgrade Ukraine’s Gas Equipment

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Ukraine to receive a $41.6 million loan from EBRD to invest in Ukrgasvydobuvannya to upgrade to modern mobile drilling rigs for the first time under its new CEO.

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Boulder attack suspect says he planned violence for a year

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(NewsNation) — Egyptian national Mohamed Sabry Soliman has been charged with a federal hate crime for an attack that injured 12 people in Boulder, Colorado.

Soliman is accused of throwing an incendiary device into a crowd of demonstrators calling for the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza. Prosecutors said he posed as a gardener and planned to kill everyone at the peaceful demonstration on Sunday.

Instead, he threw out only two of the 18 incendiary devices he’d brought, accidentally burning himself as he shouted “Free Palestine,” authorities said. According to a police affidavit, Soliman didn’t carry out his full plan “because he got scared and had never hurt anyone before.”

Soliman told investigators he planned the attack for more than a year while living in the United States on a visa that expired more than two years ago.

Boulder attack suspect’s visa timeline

Soliman came to the U.S. on a tourist visa in August 2022, according to a source from the Department of Homeland Security. One month later, he applied for asylum.

Soliman, his wife and their five children have been living in Colorado Springs, Colorado, since.

He has lived in the country on an expired visa since February 2023, though he was granted a work permit in March 2023. That work permit expired in March 2025.

According to a spokesperson for Uber, his former employer, Soliman passed the company’s eligibility requirements, which included a criminal background check.

In 2023, around 314,000 people overstayed tourist or other temporary visas, of which about 2,400 were Egyptian, per DHS data.

White House reacts to Boulder ‘terrorist attack’

Secretary of State Marco Rubio issued a warning to terrorists and terrorist sympathizers in the U.S. on a visa: “Under the Trump administration we will find you, revoke your visa, and deport you.”

But tracking overstays on this visa is challenging. Following the attack, DHS revamped its Immigration and Customs Enforcement tip line and asked for the public’s help identifying those overstaying their welcome.

“Yesterday’s terrorist attack by a suspect illegally in our country underscores the importance of getting these illegal aliens out of our country,” said DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin. “Secretary Noem is revamping ICE’s illegal alien tip line to devote more resources and personnel to help remove these criminal illegal aliens from our country.”

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt has placed the blame on the previous administration.

“We know that this individual, this terrorist, was allowed into this country by the previous administration, was foolishly given a tourism visa, and then was illegally allowed to stay. These individuals are going to be deported,” Leavitt said on Monday.

It is unclear what will happen to Soliman’s wife and five children, who are still in the U.S.


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The Istanbul Negotiations: Russia’s Strategy of Undermining Peace Talks and the Limits of Diplomacy

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The Istanbul negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, held in March 2022, initially raised cautious optimism about the possibility of a diplomatic resolution to the war. However, they ultimately failed to produce lasting resultsThis failure was not due to a lack of Ukrainian willingness to engage, but rather to Moscow’s systematic strategy to manipulate, stall, and ultimately undermine the process.

2. Background: The Istanbul Talks and Their Framework

The negotiations in Istanbul were part of a broader series of peace efforts following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. At the time, Ukrainian forces had successfully repelled Russian advances on Kyiv, creating a window for talks. The Ukrainian delegation offered a framework of neutrality and security guarantees in exchange for the withdrawal of Russian forces and restoration of territorial integrity.

Despite some signs of convergence, such as Moscow’s formal acknowledgment of Ukraine’s willingness to remain non-aligned, the talks stalled. Soon after, Russia intensified its military operations in the Donbas and launched further assaults on civilian infrastructure.

3. Russia’s Strategy: Negotiating in Bad Faith

Russia entered the negotiations not to reach a settlement but to buy time, regroup militarily, and test Western unity. Key elements of this strategy include:

  • Deliberate delay tactics: Russian negotiators often shifted demands and avoided committing to verifiable agreements, making meaningful progress impossible.
  • Exploiting the talks for propaganda: Moscow framed its participation as evidence of good faith while continuing military aggression.
  • Testing Ukrainian resolve: Russia used the talks to pressure Ukraine into concessions under the threat of escalation, aiming to erode morale and international support for Kyiv.

The Kremlin’s core objective remained unchanged: to subjugate Ukraine and ensure it remains within Russia’s sphere of influence. A genuine peace that respected Ukrainian sovereignty would contradict Putin’s imperial ambitions.

4. Why Russia Undermines Peace Initiatives

The Kremlin undermines peace negotiations for several reasons:

  • Territorial ambitionsRussia seeks to retain control over occupied territories, especially Crimea and parts of eastern Ukraine, as strategic and symbolic assets.
  • Domestic narrative: A negotiated settlement would contradict the narrative of “denazification” and “demilitarization,” central to justifying the war to the Russian public.
  • Geopolitical leverageRussia believes it can outlast Western resolve and prefers to maintain a low-intensity conflict to destabilize Ukraine and Europe over the long term.
  • Avoiding accountability: A peace deal would inevitably involve international oversight and could pave the way for war crime investigations, something the Kremlin seeks to avoid.

5. The Role of Sanctions and Their Potential Impact

Economic sanctions have damaged the Russian economy, but their political effectiveness is mixed:

  • Limited short-term impact on Kremlin policySanctions have not yet forced a change in strategic direction. Russia has adapted by deepening ties with China, Iran, and others.
  • Potential medium-term pressureContinued sanctions could eventually degrade Russia’s military production capabilities, erode elite loyalty, and reduce its geopolitical flexibility.
  • Sanctions targeting enablers of warNew sanctions focused on financial institutions, dual-use technologies, and third-party enablers (e.g., in Central Asia or the Caucasus) may increase costs for Russia.
  • Crucial role of enforcement and unitySanctions are most effective when applied in a coordinated, sustained manner, with minimal loopholes.

Ultimately, while sanctions are not a silver bullet, they remain a key tool to constrain Russia’s capacity to sustain the war and pressure it back to the negotiating table—this time under different terms.

6. What Can Be Done: Strategic Recommendations

  1. Shift focus to military and economic pressure: Since Moscow is not currently negotiating in good faith, the West and Ukraine should prioritize battlefield leverage and economic attrition.
  2. Support Ukrainian resilience: Continued arms deliveries, economic assistance, and long-term security guarantees are essential to resist Russian pressure and deter future aggression.
  3. Expose Russian disinformation: Countering the Kremlin’s global propaganda about its commitment to peace is crucial to maintaining international support for Ukraine.
  4. Prepare for future negotiations: While diplomacy remains essential, future talks must be conditioned on verifiable Russian concessions and stronger international mediation frameworks.
  5. Consider hybrid deterrence: Cyber, legal, and financial tools should complement military deterrence to constrain Russia’s aggressive behavior.

7. Comparative Cases

Russia’s behavior in the Istanbul negotiations is not unique. Similar patterns are evident in:

  • The 2014–2015 Minsk Agreements: Used by Russia to legitimize territorial gains while continuing hybrid warfare.
  • Syria peace talks: Russia consistently backed Assad militarily while feigning support for UN-mediated peace processes.
  • Georgia (2008): Russia used a brief ceasefire to solidify control over South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Each case demonstrates Moscow’s preference for negotiation as warfare by other means—tools for achieving strategic goals, not peace.

The Istanbul negotiations failed because Russia never intended for them to succeed. For the Kremlin, talks are tactical pauses, not paths to peace. This behavior reflects a broader pattern of strategic deception and refusal to recognize neighboring countries as truly sovereign. The international community must draw the right conclusions: only sustained pressure—military, economic, and political—can bring about a meaningful diplomatic opening. Sanctions are part of that equation, but they must be part of a comprehensive strategy that understands the true nature of the Kremlin’s war.

The Kremlin does not genuinely respect the White House in strategic terms. Instead, it views the United States as both its main geopolitical rival and the primary obstacle to Russia’s ambitions for global influence. From Moscow’s perspective, undermining U.S. authority and credibility—especially in the realm of international security—is central to its foreign policy.

1. The Kremlin’s Strategic Goal: Undermine U.S. Global Leadership

Vladimir Putin and his inner circle do not seek cooperation with Washington unless it benefits Moscow directly. Their priority is to challenge and discredit U.S. influence, particularly by:

  • Exposing perceived hypocrisy in American foreign policy (e.g., Iraq, Libya).
  • Framing Washington as weak and in decline, unable to enforce its red lines or defend its allies.
  • Supporting alternative power centers (e.g., China, Iran, BRICS) that challenge the U.S.-led global order.

2. Discrediting Washington on the Global Stage

Russia constantly seeks to demonstrate that the U.S.:

  • Cannot enforce peace, as seen in Ukraine, Syria, and Gaza.
  • Loses influence over its allies, especially in Europe and the Global South.
  • Is internally divided, especially on foreign policy continuity (exploiting divisions between administrations like Biden vs. Trump).

Kremlin-backed media and diplomats amplify every U.S. failure—be it Afghanistan’s withdrawal or difficulties in Ukraine—as “proof” that the U.S. is no longer a reliable security actor.

3. Russia’s Tactic: Strategic Mockery + Engagement When Useful

While Moscow may sometimes engage diplomatically with the U.S., it does so only tactically:

  • To ease sanctions,
  • To gain time militarily,
  • Or to project an image of responsibility.

But even during talks (like START treaties or Syria deconfliction lines), Russia often:

  • Violates agreements behind the scenes,
  • Uses negotiations to gather intelligence, and
  • Leverages talks to divide the West (e.g., France or Germany vs. U.S.).

4. Ultimate Objective: Multipolar World Without U.S. Dominance

Putin envisions a world where the U.S. no longer sets the global rules. His policy is to accelerate U.S. decline, especially by:

  • Fueling chaos (supporting coups, extremist actors),
  • Backstopping rogue states (Iran, North Korea),
  • And challenging U.S. influence in key regions like Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East.

The Kremlin does not respect the White House in the traditional diplomatic sense. It sees Washington as a declining hegemon whose global leadership must be discredited, bypassed, or broken. Any cooperation is tactical and transactional. The Kremlin’s strategic narrative hinges on showing that the U.S. can no longer shape global security outcomes, and that Russia (often with China) is a rising alternative.

In the current conditions—where the Kremlin does not respect the United States and is actively working to discredit it—the U.S. cannot “force” Russia to peace in the traditional sense. However, the U.S. can shape the environment in such a way that continuing the war becomes too costly and strategically unsustainable for Russia. Forcing peace in this context means altering Russia’s cost-benefit calculation, not convincing the Kremlin morally or diplomatically.

Why the U.S. Cannot Simply Force Russia to Peace

  1. Russia is not acting rationally by Western standards
    Putin has tied his regime’s survival to the war. Ending it now—especially without a visible “victory”—would damage his image and potentially destabilize his power.
  2. Peace is not the Kremlin’s goal
    Moscow views “peace” talks as a means to:
    • Freeze the front lines,
    • Regroup,
    • Divide the West,
    • Buy time for rearmament.
  3. U.S. pressure alone is not enough
    The Kremlin sees Washington as weak or distracted (due to internal politics or international overstretch) and believes it can wait out U.S. resolve, especially if Trump or an isolationist takes power in 2025.

What the U.S. Can Do to Alter Russia’s Calculations

1. Escalate the Costs of War

  • More advanced weapons for Ukraine (ATACMS, F-16s, etc.)
  • Allow Ukraine to strike targets inside Russia’s territory
  • Help Ukraine threaten Crimea, which is a red line for the Kremlin

2. Target Russian Assets and Power Centers

  • Stricter secondary sanctions on Chinese and other foreign entities helping Russia
  • Pressure the energy sector harder (oil sanctions enforcement, LNG constraints)
  • Sanction Russian elites’ families, tech imports, and shadow networks

3. Strengthen the Global Narrative

  • Lead a campaign to portray Russia as a rogue nuclear blackmailer
  • Mobilize the Global South diplomatically—not just the EU and NATO
  • Expose Russian war crimes and use international tribunals to isolate the regime

4. Build and Demonstrate Long-Term Western Resolve

  • Lock in multi-year aid packages for Ukraine regardless of U.S. elections
  • Expand NATO defense production and energy independence
  • Support democratic resilience in neighboring states (Georgia, Moldova, Armenia)

Could the U.S. eventually force peace?

Only indirectly—by making it strategically impossible for Russia to continue the war without risking regime collapse or unacceptable military defeat. This requires:

  • Consistency (not wavering after elections),
  • Unity with allies,
  • And a clear narrative that peace without justice and deterrence will only invite more wars.

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Senior Ukraine Officials, Including Zelensky’s Top Aide Yermak, Arrive in Washington for Talks

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According to Yermak, the group will meet with both Republican and Democrat lawmakers, as well as members of US President Donald Trump’s administration.

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The History of the Capital Jewish Museum Offers a Template for Fighting Antisemitism

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A New Museum About Washington's Jewish Community is Set to Open in June
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On May 21, Sarah Milgram and Yaron Lischinsky were brutally murdered in an antisemitic attack outside the Capital Jewish Museum, where the American Jewish Committee was hosting an event for young professionals, diplomats, and advocates.

For many Americans, that may have been the first time they’ve heard of the museum, where I served as an educator a from 2011 to 2019. And while the Capital Jewish Museum is only a few years old, the organization has a deep backstory that makes it is an essential institution for understanding the flourishing of individual and American Jewish identity in the face of antisemitism. The museum’s history also illuminates the advocacy efforts that have defined Washington’s Jewish community for over two centuries as they found their place within American democracy.

On Dec. 17, 1862, during the Civil War, Union General Ulysses S. Grant issued and signed General Order No. 11, which stated that “the Jews, as a class violating every regulation of trade established by the Treasury Department and also department orders, are hereby expelled from the Department within twenty-four hours from the receipt of this order.​”

The order applied to all Jews (men, women, and children) in the war zone under Grant’s command known as the Department of the Tennessee, which stretched from Northern Mississippi to Southern Illinois, and from the Mississippi to Tennessee Rivers.  Frustrated with cotton traders and merchants who were smuggling goods to the Confederacy and profiting from the war, the general weaponized ancient stereotypes and antisemitic tropes about Jews and money to fabricate a scapegoat.

What happened next offered a template for combatting antisemitism with the specific tools American democracy offered.

Read More: The Rise of Antisemitism and Political Violence in the U.S.

The leaders of of B’nai B’rith, (“Sons of the Covenant”)—a Jewish organization founded by immigrants in 1843 to promote the quality of life for Jews in America—met with President Abraham Lincoln to voice concerns about the antisemitic order, and the president rescinded it immediately. Additionally, representatives from Jewish organizations and synagogues, as well as prominent rabbis, each met with Grant to explain the offensive nature of the order, and to educate the general on the error of his ways.

In the mid 19th century, this represented a radical approach to handling antisemitism—one that reflected how, unlike the way they had been treated historically in Europe, Jews enjoyed full citizenship rights in the U.S. In Washington, many members of the Jewish community not only thrived, but also chose to engage in the civic process, advocating for themselves and others. This culture meant that, rather than wait for Grant’s order to take effect, Jewish Washingtonians had no hesitancy about requesting meetings with the president, writing to their representatives, or trying to educate Grant to prevent any repeat of the order.

The Jewish community’s commitment to advocating for themselves, as well as educating and building a relationship with Grant proved to be transformative. When the general became president in 1869, he appointed more Jews to federal positions than any of his predecessors and became an outspoken supporter of Jewish refugees from Russia, and elsewhere, seeking American citizenship to escape pogroms and persecution.

In 1876, thanks to a personal invitation from Adolphus Solomons, a prominent Jewish Washingtonian, philanthropist, and co-founder of the American Red Cross, Grant attended the dedication of the city’s first purpose-built synagogue—and made history as the first sitting U.S. president to attend a synagogue service. Grant even gave Tzedakah (a righteous contribution) to the synagogue and sat for the entirety of the hours long traditional Jewish service, most of which was in Yiddish and Hebrew, during a hot D.C. summer day.

Officially dedicated, the synagogue became home to Adas Israel—a traditional congregation of predominantly German immigrant families who had come to Washington from neighboring cities and ports like Baltimore and New York during the boom years of the Civil War, when the city grew exponentially.

The growth of the Jewish community in the American capital city was historic. For centuries, Jewish communities across Europe had confronted antisemitic expulsions from capitals and major cities. While antisemitism still existed in Washington, and in America more broadly, many Jews felt safer than they ever had. This sense of safety empowered them not only to advocate for themselves, but to think about ways they could partner with their non-Jewish neighbors to improve life for all Americans. Anchoring these actions were Jewish values such as Tikkun Olam (“repairing the world”) and Tzedek (“justice”).

These principles continued to shape Jewish life in Washington in the 20th century. In 1943, Jewish Washingtonians participated as prop managers and extras in playwright Ben Hecht’s musical stage pageant “We Will Never Die,” which aimed to bring awareness to the Holocaust and the murder of millions of Jews in Europe. They wanted to inspire action among lawmakers, many of whom attended the performance at Constitution Hall. The audience included First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, who wrote about the powerful experience in her nationally syndicated newspaper column. She urged awareness and action to save Jews. The episode demonstrated how local actions by Jewish Washingtonians could create national headlines.

This kind of activism reached new heights in the second half of the 20th century, as Jewish Washingtonians took active roles in fighting for a range of causes. Their advocacy included championing DC statehood, participating in and helping on-the-ground organizing efforts for the March on Washington in 1963, and founding the Washington Committee for Soviet Jewry in 1968, among others.

Read More: The D.C. Jewish Museum Shooting Was Inevitable. The Time to Act on Antisemitism is Now

This final example demonstrated how Washington’s Jewish community made use of their physical location to enact international change. While many Jewish communities across the U.S. held rallies and advocated for the release of Soviet Jews denied the right to leave the USSR, only Washington’s Jewish community could bring such efforts to the Soviet Embassy itself. Every afternoon for 20 years (1970-1991), a rotating group of Jewish Washingtonians took turns holding a vigil outside the embassy, often singing and dancing the hora. Their message was clear: in America, Jews could openly and safely identify as Jews. They demanded the same for Jews globally.

Public awareness campaigns like this compelled actions from politicians, who applied pressure to the Soviet Union. Eventually, after decades of activism, this enabled Soviet Jews to immigrate. Some of them moved to Washington where community members were ready to lend a helping hand.

While some of their advocacy focused globally, Washington Jews also worked locally. In 1969, they sprung into action upon learning that the synagogue Grant had helped to dedicate faced demolition. A direct result of Washington’s growth and the move of communities (including Jewish congregations) to the suburbs, the former synagogue building was to be replaced with a new headquarters for the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority. The Jewish Historical Society of Greater Washington argued that the former president’s visit made the synagogue a historic building and they launched a campaign to save it, working swiftly to raise the funds and secure permission from the local and national government to move the building. Again, the campaign reflected how activism was embedded at the core of American Jewish identity. 

The move would prove to be the first of three over the next half century. When the 1876 Adas Israel synagogue finally found its permanent home in 2018, the synagogue became something broader: the Jewish Historical Society helped to transform it into the largest artifact held by a new Capital Jewish Museum. Its leaders invited many voices into the planning for the new museum adjacent to the historic synagogue, including Jewish educators and scholars, rabbis from many denominations, and historically underrepresented voices such as Jews of Color and the LGBTQ+ Jewish community. A neon sign donated to the Museum’s collection said it all: “If It’s Jewish, We Have It.”

Today, the museum collects and display buttons, posters, and political cartoons representing Jewish civic engagement, from the 1868 presidential election to the present. Stories often featured in the Capital Jewish Museum’s core exhibition are about generations of Jewish people who either grew up in Washington or moved to the city filled with ideals and dreams for a brighter future. Milgram and Lischinsky are part of this tradition and legacy.

This history that the Capital Jewish Museum represents—of using education, advocacy, and allyship to address antisemitism head on—offers a roadmap for responding to the challenges posed by increasing antisemitism in 2025.

Samantha Abramson is the executive director of the Nathan and Esther Pelz Holocaust Education Resource Center and spearheads K-12 initiatives at the Milwaukee Jewish Federation. She has worked at several Jewish and American museums, including the Jewish Historical Society of Greater Washington/Capital Jewish Museum from 2011-2019.

Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.


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Ukraine’s Drone Strikes Against Russia Could Become the Global Norm

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Russia Ukraine War

The drone factory in Kyiv had an enviable problem. It could make more combat drones than the Ukrainian military needs. The heavy ones, known as Vampires, can be assembled at a rate of 4,000 per month, the factory’s founder told me on a tour of the facility in March. The smaller ones, similar to the drones Ukraine used this weekend to devastate Russia’s bomber fleet, could be made many times faster, he said: roughly 4,000 per day.

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All around us, the noise of the production line made it difficult to hear, as did the speaker system playing ‘80s music (“I just died in your arms tonight…”). So I asked the founder to repeat himself: Did he just say 4,000 drones… per day? “Yeah, that’s at full capacity,” he said. “Right now we’re only making around half that.”

Sunday’s attack, which targeted Russian air bases as far away as Irkutsk, in eastern Siberia, employed a total of 117 kamikaze drones, according to President Volodymyr Zelensky. Each of them costs around $400 to produce, and they destroyed Russian aircraft worth billions. By Ukraine’s count, that would make this operation one of the most efficient, dollar for dollar, in the history of warfare. No doubt the operatives behind the strike deserve to take a bow. But once the Russian targets stop smoldering at their bases, it may be worth considering how such weapons will be used in the future, not only in Russia but around the world. 

For the moment, the drones Ukraine produces remain inside the country, because the government has banned the export of weapons during the war. Once the war ends, those restrictions are likely to be lifted, and Ukrainian drones could appear on the global market in abundant supply. Last year, Ukraine produced more than two million combat drones of various types. This year, it’s on the way to making twice that many. 

For the government in Kyiv, the foreign market for these weapons is a critical part of the plan to rebuild and rearm after the war. One lawmaker estimated last year that selling drones to other countries could earn Ukrainian manufacturers some $20 billion, which could be reinvested into the domestic arms industry. 

The founder of the factory I visited in March told me that he has already received purchase requests from several European countries, as well as Egypt, India and Pakistan. “They all know our drones work, because they’ve been tested in actual combat,” he says, asking not to be named for security reasons. 

Once these drones become widely available, governments around the world may need to rethink their military doctrines, as well as their protocols for guarding high officials. 

Last fall, an officer for Ukraine’s military intelligence agency showed me a prototype for a new type of drone that had been used in numerous strikes inside Russia. It looked like a model airplane with an explosive shell attached to its belly, and the officer said it had a range of at least a thousand miles. He was clearly proud of the ingenuity that had gone into the drone’s development. 

But as an expert in security, he also wondered what would happen if these weapons end up in the wrong hands. “Protecting military objects is going to get a lot harder,” he told me. “The usual strategies won’t work.” 


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Why Mongolia’s Prime Minister Resigned

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Mongolia's Prime Minister Oyun-Erdene Luvsannamsrain bows after losing his position in a vote in Ulaanbaatar, capital city of Mongolia on June 3, 2025.

Oyun-Erdene Luvsannamsrain was elected Mongolia’s Prime Minister in 2021, after gaining prominence by helping to organize mass protests against corruption. Now, after protesters have taken to the streets accusing him of corruption, which he has denied, he’s resigned.

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Oyun-Erdene lost a vote of confidence in parliament on Monday, according to a parliamentary statement, failing to secure a majority 64 votes in the 126-seat body. Only 82 lawmakers voted in the secret ballot, which yielded only 44 in approval of Oyun-Erdene.

“It was an honour to serve my country and people in times of difficulties, including pandemics, wars, and tariffs,” Oyun-Erdene said after the vote.

Oyun-Erdene, whose center-left ruling Mongolian People’s Party retained a majority but formed a coalition with opposition parties anyway after legislative elections last year, will remain as caretaker Prime Minister until his successor is appointed within 30 days. 

His resignation, fueled by discontent over his family’s apparent lavish spending and luxurious lifestyle, marks the latest political upheaval in the Asian nation’s longstanding fight against corruption. 

The mineral-rich landlocked country, sandwiched between autocratic giants China and Russia, has been a hotbed of predatory behavior by business elites, while more than a quarter of the country’s 3.5 million population is mired in poverty.

The no-confidence vote means the coalition government will cease to exist, though the Mongolian People’s Party should be able to form a new government.

Oyun-Erdene told TIME in an interview in January that he formed the coalition government to try to overcome Mongolia’s inertia due to politicization. “As a small kid, I looked forward to my country’s development,” he said, “and there have been some projects that people discussed at that time, but still no progress has been made because of political divisions.”

Here’s what to know.

MONGOLIA-POLITICS-PROTEST

What were the accusations?

This year, antigovernment protests began as early as January. But the Prime Minister faced a new wave of criticism in May stemming from a controversy surrounding his 23-year-old son Temuulen, whom Asia-Pacific commentary outlet The Diplomat reported was recalled from his studies at Harvard University “due to corruption investigations.” Social media reports of Temuulen gifting his now-fiancée luxury items—including, according to CNN, “helicopter rides, an expensive ring, designer handbags and a luxury car”—angered the public.

Protest group Ogtsrokh Amarkhan circulated a petition that got more than 59,000 signatories calling for Oyun-Erden to leave his post, listing his son’s lavish spending as only one of the reasons why. The group also cited inflation and price increases, growing unemployment, and poverty. 

Protesters also called for Oyun-Erdene to release his finances.

How did Oyun-Erdene respond?

Oyun-Erdene’s office has mainly called the allegations of financial impropriety a “smear” and “completely unfounded.” In a statement to CNN, the office said that the Prime Minister “makes regular financial declarations annually in line with Mongolian law.”

Following demands to resign in May, the Prime Minister spoke to local media in defense of his son. Researcher Bolor Lkhaajav reported for The Diplomat that Oyun-Erdene’s son did not ask for financial support from his father and that Mongolia’s Anti-Corruption Agency was looking into the controversy. Oyun-Erdene even reportedly offered to resign without protest if the agency discovered irregularities in his financial statement.

Oyun-Erdene warned before the confidence vote that a change in government could threaten Mongolia’s fragile democracy, which only started in the early 1990s after the Soviet Union collapsed. “If governance becomes unstable, the economic situation deteriorates, and political parties cannot come to consensus. It could lead the public to lose faith in parliamentary rule and potentially put our democratic parliamentary system at risk of collapse,” the Prime Minister said. While defending himself, he acknowledged that he was “dedicating too much time to major projects while paying insufficient attention to social and internal political matters.”

How bad is corruption in Mongolia? 

Mongolia ranks 114 of 180 countries and territories in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index.

The 2024 Freedom House’s Freedom in the World index describes corruption, particularly involving the mining industry, as “endemic in Mongolia” and said the problem is widely perceived to “have worsened in recent years.” According to Freedom House, the country’s anticorruption laws “are vaguely written and infrequently enforced”, while anticorruption authorities have been “criticized as ineffective in pursuing cases.”

In 2024, U.S. prosecutors sought the forfeiture of former Prime Minister Batbold Sükhbaatar’s two luxury apartments in New York City after they were found to have been purchased using the proceeds of “unlawfully awarded Mongolian mining contracts.” And in 2022, a coal theft case involving minerals being illegally transported across the Chinese border rocked Mongolia, entangling high-ranking officials and business leaders and resulting in an estimated loss of $12 billion to the economy.


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