Although he wrote it for Easter, George Frideric Handel’s Messiah is a December fixture in concert halls across the country. According to legend, King George II was so moved during the Hallelujah chorus that he leapt to his feet, thus starting the tradition of the audience standing for the choral showstopper. Handel composed some of the greatest treasures of Baroque music. His career, however, shows off the Anglo-American strategy for world domination.
The first step is to create a thriving, dynamic economy. Handel was born in 1685, three years before England’s Glorious Revolution brought William and his wife to the throne. When the royal couple left Holland to rule Mary’s home country, they brought the legal and financial innovations that had made the Dutch rich. During Handel’s lifetime, London transformed itself from a fire- and plague-ridden backwater on the outskirts of Europe into the center of global power.
Welcoming the world’s best minds and putting them to work is the next step. Handel was born in Halle, Germany, and lived in Italy before settling in London. Thanks to capitalism, musicians could make a good living there performing for common people without needing an aristocratic or royal patron, which suited Handel just fine. The English also welcomed other talented foreigners, such as the French Huguenots whom Louis XIV began persecuting just a few months after Handel’s birth.
Unleashing all this dynamism can disrupt a society’s necessary characteristics along with the outdated ones, so this strategy only works for a people whose identity is strong yet flexible enough to weather these changes. A society like that with a world-beating economy can take on all comers, even when led by a mediocrity like George III. Although Handel himself was probably not too religious, he made a fortune championing a tolerant form of Protestant Christianity that had taken root in Britain and the American colonies.
Handel’s relationship with Jews shows this. He collaborated enough with Jewish musicians and composers that Pro Musica Hebraica, a nonprofit that Charles and Robyn Krauthammer founded to perform Jewish classical music, included Handel in their “Jewish Baroque Treasures from Italy and Amsterdam” concert at the Kennedy Center. Handel frequently depicted Old Testament stories and Jewish heroes favorably, such as when he needed a story to celebrate the victory at Culloden that ended Stuart attempts to impose absolute monarchy on England. London’s wealthier Jews flocked to his Judas Maccabaeus.
Messiah itself fits within this philosemitic strain of Christianity. Charles Jennens, who drafted the text, was a proto-evangelical who sent Handel more Old Testament verses than the composer could fit in the oratorio. When a friend wrote him, “I am sorry to hear yr. friend Handel is such a Jew,” he fired back, “You do him too much Honour to call him a Jew!” For one thing, Jennens continued, “A Jew would have paid more respect to the Prophets.”
Much as the British borrowed liberally from the Dutch strategy on their way to geopolitical dominance, the Americans copied and improved on the British model. Americans kept their economy freer than Britain’s, and as a result, the United States is the top destination for global talent: For every titan of industry like Sergey Brin or Elon Musk, there are millions more beating down the door. The ones who arrive are joining one of the most open and tolerant societies in the world.
This strategy has an unbeatable record, but some still want to tear it up. Undeterred by socialism’s history of stagnation and failure, the American Left wants to jettison capitalism and run the economy like a DMV. And over the last year, the growing number of anti-Semites have shown that the enemies of the Jewish people hate most everything that makes America lovely.
Handel is not everyone’s cup of tea abroad either. The Nazis tried to “dejudaize” Handel’s music and downplayed his Britishness. And last December, the government-funded RIAS Chamber Choir in Berlin refused to perform Handel’s Israel in Egypt, since they did “not consider it appropriate to perform” a piece in which “a one-sided and all-conquering power … is represented primarily by the choir,” given the war that Hamas started.
A one-sided, all-conquering power freeing people from slavery and protecting persecuted Jews? May it ever be so.
SOUTHERN ISRAEL—On December 11, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals struck down NASDAQ’s diversity rules for corporate boards. The rules, which had been approved by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), required boards to have at least one member who identifies as a minority or LGBTQ.
The decision was another high-profile victory for Edward Blum, the activist behind 2023’s landmark Supreme Court case Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard, which banned race-based college admissions.
Born to Yiddish-speaking cobblers in Benton Harbor, Mich., Blum has cited his Jewish upbringing as a formative influence on his values. At the time that the NASDAQ decision came down, he was in Israel on a moshav, or farmer’s co-op, pruning tomatoes about three miles from the Gaza border.
The Washington Free Beacon spoke to Blum about his recent victory and his time in the Jewish state. During the interview, which has been edited for length and clarity, Blum discussed the significance of the NASDAQ ruling, the next stage of the fight against racial preferences, the mood in Israel after Donald Trump’s election, and the joys of Israeli farmwork.
Aaron Sibarium: Most Americans will never serve on a corporate board, and board members have only limited involvement in the day-to-day operations of companies. Why was it so important to challenge the NASDAQ rule?
Edward Blum: While few people ever serve on a corporate board, most Americans own stocks directly or indirectly. Requiring race and sex quotas for boards inhibits corporations from choosing the best-qualified candidates to serve. This outcome serves no one, including those chosen because of their sex and race.
AS: What are the real-world impacts of this decision likely to be?
EB: This opinion will prevent the SEC from wading into areas in which it has no statutory jurisdiction.
AS: What’s interesting about this case that the press hasn’t picked up on but that you think is important?
EB: I don’t know how to answer the question here, and it’s a good one, but there were really two parts of the case. One was about administrative law, which my limited legal net doesn’t really cover. And then there was the racial aspect of it, which my net does cover. When you read the opinion, it was more of an administrative law opinion.
AS: People often treat questions about the administrative state as separate from questions about civil rights and racial preferences. But it seems like the lesson of this case is that reining in the administrative state can rein in racial preferences too. Do you think there’s a strategic lesson here?
EB: Yes. It’s kind of like the old Marshall McLuhan line: The medium is the message. The administrative state has promoted and, in some respects, demanded the use of race and ethnicity in administrative policies, not only through the SEC but other agencies.
So I think what you’ve just said is correct.
AS: You’ve gotten affirmative action outlawed in college admissions. You’ve successfully challenged a host of race-based fellowships and grant programs in corporate America. Now NASDAQ is ending these diversity quotas. What’s next? Where does the fight against racial preferences go from here?
EB: I think the big fight will be uncovering, disclosing, and eliminating what we believe are racial proxies that are being implemented by colleges and universities, corporations, cultural institutions, and the like. We are in the early stages of learning about what colleges and universities and others are doing. But it is likely that my organization, as well as our allied legal friends, will be probing and litigating what I call racial proxies.
AS: That would be something like the Thomas Jefferson High School case, right, where they used zip codes as a proxy for race?
EB: Yes. Zip codes are a little fuzzy, but apparently there is some fairly sophisticated census data analysis that is being implemented by the College Board with their landscape tool, and something called the opportunity index, to name just two. The next big challenge in public interest litigation that challenges race and ethnicity will be learning what is being used for racial classifications and preferences instead of the checkbox.
AS: Let’s say that universities claim that the reason they’re using the opportunity index and zip codes and these other racial proxies is actually that they want socioeconomic diversity. Suppose they insist, “No, no, it has nothing to do with race. It’s all about class.” Which you don’t have a problem with, right?
EB: Correct.
AS: OK. But suppose that this has a racially disparate impact—the zip codes clearly help some racial groups more than others—which leads people to suspect there’s an ulterior motive. The schools say they’re pursuing socioeconomic diversity, but in practice they seem to be doing affirmative action by other means. How do you deal with that problem?
EB: As we argued all through the Harvard and [University of North Carolina] litigation, lowering the bar a little bit for students who come from modest or disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds is something that we support. Now, we support it if it is applied in all corners of the country where there are kids from modest or lower socioeconomic backgrounds. That means that kids from modest backgrounds who live in rural Missouri or rural Montana or Northern Maine or East Texas will have the same consideration and outcomes as kids who live in predominantly minority neighborhoods.
AS: You told the New York Times last year that your aversion to racial preferences stems in part from your Jewish upbringing. Can you tell us a little bit more about how that upbringing shaped your values?
EB: I’m 72 years old. I was a teenager during the early ’60s, you know, up through the late ’60s. My mom and dad spoke Yiddish. Of course, they were fluent in English, but they seemed to speak Yiddish to one another all the time.
The civil rights movement was a discussion at our family dinner table in 1964, ’65, ’66. So were the riots of ’68. I was in junior high and high school during those years. Growing up in Houston, Texas, basically the Deep South, this was something we were aware of, that my mother and father talked about. They witnessed and understood racial segregation. They understood policies that barred African Americans from entering certain businesses and restaurants and hotels. We talked about this a lot as a family, and I think that’s probably more than anything else what shaped my opinions about this, and maybe energized me as I grew older.
AS: How did your parents react when affirmative action came onto the scene and became a live topic of discussion in the ’70s and ’80s?
EB: Well, I’ll tell you how I reacted to it, and it’s sort of an unusual twist. I was at the University of Texas from 1969 through 1973. The introduction of quotas and race-based policies really began around that era. And as an 18- to 20-year-old, I was persuaded that, given what African Americans had gone through, it was a reasonable policy. It wasn’t really until the late ’70s and early ’80s that I transitioned away from that, seeing how unsuccessful and unfair affirmative action was. So my passion for this issue really developed in the late ’70s and early ’80s. And I will say that there was some evolution on my part.
AS: You said that affirmative action didn’t work. Can you talk a bit more about the inefficacy and how that played a role in your thinking?
EB: When I was in graduate school, I met a couple of Asian kids who were undergraduates. They told me about their academic background and how they were attending State University of New York because they had not been admitted to the Ivy Leagues and some of the more prestigious private schools. And these kids came from extremely modest backgrounds. So I started to noodle through that tension, and concluded that you can’t remedy past discrimination with new discrimination. That, I think, was the beginning of my revisiting the fairness of race-based affirmative action.
AS: Higher education experienced two big shocks last year. The first was your landmark Supreme Court victory that outlawed affirmative action in college admissions. And the second were the campus upheavals after the October 7 terrorist attacks, which sparked a lot of discussion about DEI and anti-Semitism. How, if at all, do you think the post-October 7 controversies have affected your work or changed the debate about racial preferences?
EB: Those are two really big topics, Aaron. Let me see if I can unpack this just a little bit. It is my belief that that opinion in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard is one of the most popular Supreme Court opinions in the last generation. I cannot think of another Supreme Court case in which 70 percent of Americans agreed with what the Supreme Court did. So that opinion, I think, not only energized the legal endeavors against race-based policies, but also provided a shield for those who have been reluctant to talk about the unfairness of using race in our public policies. If the Supreme Court strikes down race in higher education, and everyone applauds that, then all of a sudden, people who have been subject to discrimination in employment and contracting feel like if race is wrong in education, it must also be wrong in all of these other areas too.
Between the growth of anti-Semitism on college campuses and the end of racial preferences in higher education, I think Americans feel more emboldened to say, yes, we’ve got to do something differently. We can’t continue using race in our public lives. And I think the embrace of Hamas by campus radicals has shocked not only American Jews but non-Jews as well. Many of us see that there’s always been an undercurrent of anti-Semitism just waiting to come out, and October 7 exposed it.
AS: What brought you to the Gaza border?
EB: I volunteered here last year before the IDF launched its attack into Gaza. It was a war zone then, with dozens of Hamas rockets still being launched into Israel daily. I helped to prepare meals for the IDF soldiers who were stationed here (all 800 residents were evacuated), picked fruit since all the Arabs and Thai employees were gone, and worked with the security team in patrolling the community.
AS: How is Israel reacting to the U.S. presidential election?
EB: Joyfully.
AS: Elaborate. How do Israelis think Trump’s election will affect life on the ground?
EB: I’ve been volunteering on a moshav that is three-and-a-half miles from Gaza. A couple of days ago, I was walking back from the tomato hothouse, where I’ve been pruning tomatoes, and a guy on a tractor and an older guy in a little golf cart stopped me. They wanted to know, “Who are you? Why are you here?” And then the next question was, “Who did you vote for?” I said, “Trump.” And they high-fived me.
Then I told them that according to some polls, it looks like about 35 percent of American Jews voted for Trump, and they could not believe it was that low. They thought I was making it up. They just could not believe that 65 percent voted for Harris.
Afterwards I read that 65 percent of Israelis supported Trump, and only 35 percent supported Harris. It was just the opposite. Sixty-five percent of Israelis are for Trump. Thirty-five percent of American Jews were for Trump.
I have been here a little over two weeks. I’m constantly being asked about the election: “What do you think,” “Were you happy?” I think Israelis are greatly relieved that Trump won the election, and I think the polling data supports that.
AS: There are obvious policy reasons why they would be relieved. Do you think the divide between how Israelis view Trump and how American Jews view him speaks to a deeper difference in worldviews?
EB: Oh, I think so. Israeli Jews have been surrounded since their founding in 1948 by tens of millions of neighbors who wish to eradicate them, who have done everything possible to murder and destroy the state of Israel. We American Jews have lived in a wonderful bubble since the end of World War II. We endured very modest anti-Semitism through the ’50s and ’60s, only to see by the mid-’60s it was practically gone.
The life experiences of American Jews are very different from those of Israeli Jews. For one thing, 18-year-olds in Israel, when they graduate from high school, are competing not to be admitted to a top university, but to be admitted to an elite army unit. Young men are constantly positioning themselves to be drafted into the Golani Brigade or one of the other high-profile Israeli defense units. American kids at age 17-18 are competing to get into Emory or Tulane or Duke or University of Chicago. This is a very different life here in Israel compared to what we have in the United States.
AS: It’s interesting that in the United States, prestige attaches to institutions like Harvard, which are in many ways the ultimate safe space. But in Israel, prestige attaches to institutions like the Golani Brigade, which are distinguished by how unsafe they are. People who serve in those units go to war and do intense special operations.
EB: That’s so well put. In Israel, the kids are competing to be in the most dangerous situations possible. That’s really well said.
AS: Last question: You mentioned you were pruning tomatoes. What was that like?
EB: The hothouse is about the size of a football field and covered with some kind of nylon netting. It’s about 10 degrees warmer inside the hothouse than outside. There are rows upon rows of grape tomatoes strung up on vines that go up about 8 to 10 feet. My job was to sit on a little box and trim the growth at the base of the tomato vine, because that growth impedes the nutrients in the water from reaching the tomatoes higher up. I did that for about 10 days.
Ed Blum works at a tomato hothouse on the Israel-Gaza border.
The only downside was that I nearly ran out of Advil because I was taking about three or four a day. Bending over, reaching, and cutting can be a little back-breaking for somebody who’s 72 years old. But other than that, it was the best job I’ve ever had.
What killed Daniel Prude? The 41-year-old died in March 2020 after cops pinned him down during a drug-induced mental health crisis. For three minutes, Rochester, New York, police officers pressed Prude’s head and torso into the street, continuing their hold for nearly a minute after he began vomiting. It was one of the highest-profile deaths in police custody in a year that saw a historic nationwide movement against police brutality.
According to a state investigation, an autopsy, and the cops who held him to the ground, Prude was killed by something called “excited delirium.” The condition is said to turn people into erratic aggressors and can supposedly lead to cardiac arrest.
Authorities cited excited delirium in other notorious Black Lives Matter-era deaths in police custody, including those of George Floyd, Elijah McClain, and Angelo Quinto. The purported diagnosis had become so popular among first responders that, in Rochester, paramedics speculated even before they saw him that Prude was likely experiencing the condition, according to the state investigation.
Yet in the last four years, a vast swath of the U.S. medical establishment has rejected excited delirium as a diagnosis. Six leading national medical associations have fully disavowed it, while another two have distanced themselves from it. Floyd’s home state of Minnesota, McClain’s Colorado, and Quinto’s California have barred public officials from citing the syndrome.
A “Debunked” Theory
Medical experts say excited delirium is a theory, not a recognized disease with a specific physiological cause. And they have argued it can obscure the actual causes of deaths, especially when police are involved.
Now, a training document obtained through a public records request by New York Focus and The Intercept sheds new light on how the disavowed diagnosis infiltrated the Rochester Police Department before Prude’s death.
Advocates and researchers blame the initial popularization of the excited delirium diagnosis on a corporate-backed campaign to absolve cops of responsibility for deaths in their custody. In Rochester, the training document, created in 2016 and last edited in late 2020, lifts directly from materials disseminated by an organization linked to Taser, producer of the eponymous stun gun. The document warns officers that the syndrome’s sufferers experience a “diminished sense of pain” that could render police batons ineffective. And it claims that “saying ‘I can’t breathe’” is a sign of excited delirium.
“It displaces any sort of blame from the perpetrator of violence — in this case, the police — to the person who’s on the receiving end.”
“It displaces any sort of blame from the perpetrator of violence — in this case, the police — to the person who’s on the receiving end, but under the guise of this diagnosis,” said Altaf Saadi, a neurologist at Massachusetts General Hospital, of the training document. Saadi, who has done research on how excited delirium rose to prominence, reviewed the training materials for New York Focus and The Intercept.
The document comes to light as New York grapples with its role in promoting excited delirium as a cause of death. After Prude died, state Attorney General Letitia James encouraged first responders to embrace the disputed concept.
“Personnel must be trained to recognize the symptoms of excited delirium syndrome and to respond to it as a serious medical emergency,” she recommended in a 2021 report.
Demonstrators at the site where Daniel Prude was arrested on Sept. 3, 2020, in Rochester, N.Y. Photo: Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images
It’s unclear how many police departments in the state have trained officers on the theory — though the largest one has. Last year, New York Focus uncovered New York City Police Department training materials that provide guidance on excited delirium similar to what is in the Rochester document. (The NYPD did not respond to a request for comment.)
Internally, the attorney general’s office has softened its stance.
In a statement, the office said, “Causes of death are solely determined by medical examiners, not OSI” — James’s Office of Special Investigation — “however we have not recognized ‘excited delirium’ or similar terms as a cause of death for several years because we are acutely aware of the scientific discourse and concerns regarding the term.” Her office did not comment on her use of the term in the Prude investigation nor her guidance that officers should be trained on the theory.
“It’s pseudoscience that all too often provides cover for fatal police tactics.”
With James avoiding a full-throated rejection of excited delirium, state lawmakers are taking up the fight. Citing New York Focus’s report on the NYPD, Assemblymember Jessica González-Rojas introduced legislation in March to ban government agencies from referencing excited delirium.
“The term has been debunked by the major medical associations,” said González-Rojas. “It’s something that has to be done.”
She said, “It’s pseudoscience that all too often provides cover for fatal police tactics.”
“No Such Medical Disease”
“Excited delirium syndrome” was scientifically suspect from the start. In the 1980s, doctors studying cocaine use in Miami coined the term to describe how, in their observations, the drug could make men “psychotic” and potentially cause women to die during sex. The deceased women the doctors initially studied were later found to be victims of a serial killer. Other subjects had been restrained by police in positions that can obstruct breathing.
Still, the notion gained traction, and in 2005, a forensic pathologist and psychiatric nurse published a book on the syndrome. In the opening pages, it reads, “This book is dedicated to all law enforcement and medical personnel who have been wrongfully accused of misconduct in deaths due to excited delirium syndrome.” The publication caught the eye of Taser.
Amid increased scrutiny over its stun guns’ rolein deaths involving police, Taser became one of the excited delirium theory’s biggest boosters. The company distributed the book and other literature on the syndrome. Taser-backed research made its way into first responder training materials, which recommended tactics to subdue excited delirium sufferers — including by using Taser stun guns.
The company hired experts who testified in police killing trials that the syndrome, and not stun guns or other uses of force, caused the victims’ deaths. Some of the same experts inundated medical journals with studies making the same arguments. Taser, now known as Axon, did not respond to a request for comment.
Taser concentrated much of its advocacy on medical examiners, whose autopsies play a key role in legal proceedings for police killings. Between 2000 and 2017, medical examiners listed excited delirium as a factor in at least 276 deaths that followed Taser use, a Reuters investigation found. (Little to no public data exists on how many overall deaths are attributed to excited delirium.)
Joye Carter Rush, a forensic pathologist and former longtime medical examiner, remembers receiving Taser materials on excited delirium, including the 2005 book. The dedication jumped out at her.
Taser’s medical examiner advocacy was peculiar, Carter Rush said, because there’s no special way for medical examiners to diagnose the syndrome. Rather, as a “syndrome,” it’s a list of simultaneous symptoms.
“There is no such medical disease as excited delirium,” Carter Rush said.
Excited delirium is sometimes linked with drug use, but the behaviors police have come to associate with it can result from a wide variety of underlying causes, medical experts said.
“Maybe they have dementia, maybe they have autism with behavioral issues,” said Saadi, the neurologist. “If they’re having fever and muscle rigidity” — among excited delirium’s listed symptoms — “it could be encephalitis. There’s literally so many different diagnoses.”
“‘Superhuman strength’ and ‘unlimited endurance’ we know are racist tropes.”
Excited delirium’s reputation for endowing sufferers with super strength and imperviousness to pain can fuel more aggressive police responses, Saadi said.
“‘Superhuman strength’ and ‘unlimited endurance’ we know are racist tropes that have been typically used against Black men,” said Saadi. “It sends the message that it is okay to justify having this super aggressive escalation when that is often not the case.”
Zombie Pics
The Rochester materials obtained by New York Focus and The Intercept highlight critics’ concerns about excited delirium.
Look out for subjects who look like they “just snapped,” the training warns. Excited delirium may render “pain compliance techniques” like batons ineffective.
To reinforce the unearthly qualities of people experiencing the syndrome, the training presentation includes melodramatic photos and illustrations: deranged people screaming; a naked, bloody zombie eating a corpse; the Incredible Hulk. In one image, two cops pin a naked, wide-eyed Black man to the ground.
Slides from a Rochester Police Department training on excited delirium. Obtained by New York Focus and The Intercept
The training file’s metadata indicates that it was created in 2016 and last edited in late 2020, meaning it was likely offered to officers before Prude’s death.
The metadata also shows that the file was created by the Monroe County Office of Mental Health’s former chief of clinical and forensic services, Kimberly Butler, who also headed the county team that accompanies police on mental health crisis calls.
Butler, who did not respond to interview requests, resigned in 2020 after it was revealed that she sent privileged information about Prude’s mental health care to Rochester police officials after his run-in with the cops. She was one of at least 16 public officials, including the Rochester police chief, to resign, retire, or get fired in connection with their handling of the Prude case.
Both the Rochester Police Department and the Monroe County Office of Mental Health said that they don’t currently offer the excited delirium training. (The police department sent the file to New York Focus and The Intercept in response to a request for “currently used” training materials related to excited delirium.)
“It was co-sponsored by the county Office of Mental Health, and we do have officers who attend Office of Mental Health trainings, but I have no idea if they still use it or not,” Greg Bello of the Rochester Police Department said.
A spokesperson for the county Office of Mental Health said that the training document is from a prior administration — the current director took over in February 2021 — and the office can’t be sure when the last time it was used. Neither the police nor the mental health office responded to follow-up questions about their stances on excited delirium.
Taser Tag
Most of the Rochester training presentation’s first half — including the line that lists “saying ‘I can’t breathe’” as a sign of excited delirium — appears to lift directly from an informational poster published by a group called the Institute for the Prevention of In-Custody Deaths.
The group was co-founded by a former Taser-paid expert named John Peters and a Taser attorney around the same time that the company’s excited delirium campaign was in full swing. The informational poster, written by Peters, touts that Taser’s stun guns “have been shown to be the most effective to quickly capturing” excited delirium patients.
In an interview with New York Focus and The Intercept, Peters, a longtime police administrator, said he now agrees with many of the medical establishment’s concerns about the diagnosis. The IPICD has recommended against using the term for nearly 15 years, he said. The organization now teaches officers to address what it calls “agitated chaotic events,” while leaving medical diagnoses to medical professionals.
The IPICD’s website, however, still boosts the theory. An advertisement for a current institute police training course, for example, decries pushback against excited delirium as a result of “post-George Floyd societal culture.”
The IPICD also still publishes the informational poster that appears to have inspired the Rochester training presentation. The poster is nearly two decades old and cites the 1980s cocaine research. Peters said that he planned on replacing the poster after the IPICD’s annual conference in November, but it remains on the group’s website.
State Attorney General Letitia James speaks at a news conference about the ongoing investigation into the death of Daniel Prude on Sept. 20, 2020, in Rochester, N.Y. Photo: Joshua Rashaad McFadden/Getty Images
Attorney General Report
Taser’s connections to the Prude case extend beyond the IPICD-inspired Rochester police training.
In 2021, Gary Vilke, a San Diego-based emergency medicine doctor, became the New York attorney general’s chief medical expert in the Prude case. As a frequent paid expert witness in police killing trials, including for Taser, Vilke has earned notoriety as one of the most influential members of a cadre of hired guns whose testimonies help absolve officers.
In a deposition last year, Vilke reportedly said he consults on more than a dozen cases a year and can earn as much as $50,000 per case. He said in a 2021 deposition that for nearly two decades he never blamed a cop for a death, according to the New York Times. (He told the Times that he did not recall the statement and disagreed with it.)
He was also one of excited delirium’s most visible proponents, co-authoring a seminal white paper on the theory at an early IPICD conference.
In Prude’s case, Vilke, who did not respond to a request for comment, was confident that police weren’t at fault. He told the grand jury, convened to examine whether the cops should be charged with negligent homicide, that Prude died of excited delirium and not at the hands of the officers.
“I wouldn’t do anything differently,” he told a grand juror who asked if officers could have treated Prude better. The body voted 15–5 against charging the officers.
The office of James, the attorney general, retained Vilke to advise on its investigation into Prude’s death, making him its sole cited outside medical expert.
The Monroe County medical examiner, who still works in that role and whose office declined to comment, ruled that Prude had died from “complications” from asphyxiation, excited delirium, and intoxication from PCP, the dissociative drug he was using. While a police practices expert hired by the attorney general said that pinning Prude on his stomach for three minutes was “unreasonable” and likely caused his death, Vilke steered investigators back toward excited delirium.
“Vilke noted that Mr. Prude displayed many symptoms consistent with Excited Delirium,” the attorney general’s office reported. The syndrome, brought on by his PCP use, “caused Mr. Prude to suffer cardiac arrest.”
In its final report, issued in February 2021, the attorney general’s office dedicated nine pages to the topic of excited delirium. It acknowledged the controversy around the syndrome and its racial implications but declared that excited delirium is real and can cause sudden death.
It was in the report that James’s office made its recommendation that first responders be trained in excited delirium. The report said the Rochester police academy barely taught the syndrome. It did not account for the police training materials produced by the Office of Mental Health.
Amazon, the world’s second-largest company, has not yet compensated dozens of migrant laborers forced to pay hefty recruitment fees to secure work at its warehouses in Saudi Arabia, according to new reporting by The Guardian.
The online retail giant announced in February that it had paid $1.9 million in reimbursements to more than 700 current and former overseas workers. The payments came after the recruitment fees and other unfair practices were exposed by Trafficking Inc., a joint investigation by ICIJ, The Guardian, NBC News and Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism.
But 33 of 44 Amazon contract workers interviewed by The Guardian since the announcement said they have not been reimbursed, despite believing they are eligible to be.
Several of those workers from Nepal, some of whom still work in Amazon’s Saudi operations, told The Guardian they felt doubly mistreated by the company.
“In Saudi, many people asked questions about our recruitment fees. Amazon and other organizations also asked questions. But they haven’t reimbursed money yet,” Hari Prasad Mudbari said. “Now I feel like they played a game against me.”
The Nepali laborer reportedly paid roughly $1,500 in recruiting fees and other costs to land a job as a contract worker at an Amazon warehouse in Saudi Arabia. Other workers from Nepal shared similar stories with The Guardian, saying they had lost hope of getting their money after being asked by Amazon staffers and others about the fees, only to return home without further information.
“If Amazon wanted to give us the money back, they could have done it right away,” said Santosh Biswakarma, whose recruiting costs amounted to around $1,700, according to The Guardian. “It’s a big, rich company. They could do it immediately.”
In a written statement to The Guardian, Amazon said it had arranged reimbursements for another 151 workers since its announcement in February and that it was continuing to work to identify and pay workers who qualify for compensation.
“These are complex processes that take time, and we’re doing our best to expedite reimbursement,” an Amazon spokesperson said in the statement. “We’re also grateful to the workers who have participated throughout this process and shared their experiences.”
The spokesperson said that the process had been complicated by many workers returning to Nepal and, in some cases, changing their phone numbers or home addresses. The Guardian noted it had tracked down scores of workers through Facebook and referrals from their co-workers.
‘Give the money back’
As part of Trafficking Inc., ICIJ and its media partners interviewed more than 50 migrant laborers who said they had been duped by recruiting agencies in Nepal and then suffered under poor working conditions at Amazon warehouses in Saudi Arabia. The workers said they had paid fees ranging from roughly $830 to $2,300 to the agencies for the jobs — amounts far exceeding what’s allowed by Nepal’s government and running afoul of American and United Nations standards.
Most of the workers said recruiters misled them about the terms of their employment by falsely promising they would work directly for Amazon. Instead, they said, they ended up employed by Saudi labor supply firms that placed them in short-term contract jobs at Amazon warehouses, then siphoned away their wages.
In response to Trafficking Inc. and a separate investigation by the human rights group Amnesty International, Amazon said it was “deeply concerned” that some of its contract workers in Saudi Arabia were not treated with “the dignity and respect they deserve.”
According to The Guardian, the company worked with a human rights consulting group based in London, Impactt, to arrange the refunds for eligible workers from Nepal, India, Pakistan and other countries.
But current and former workers who received reimbursements told The Guardian they thought the formula was broken because it ignored an important factor: nearly all the workers had to borrow money at exorbitant interest rates — some as high as 55% annually — to cover the recruitment fees.
One worker refunded by Amazon said he paid nearly $2,570 to pay off a $1,700 loan with a 36% interest rate. And yet, he received little more than $1,600, according to an Impactt document he shared with The Guardian. “It’s not full compensation,” he said.
The Amazon spokesperson told The Guardian that the company did take into account the interest workers paid on their loans when determining their reimbursements.
Momtaj Mansur, a Nepali worker who was featured in Trafficking Inc., was among the workers reimbursed by Amazon, according to The Guardian.
Former Amazon worker Momtaj Mansur outside his home in Nepal. Image: Pramod Acharya
In 2023, Mansur told ICIJ he had “lost everything” after traveling from his home in Kathmandu to Riyadh, the Saudi capital, for what he thought was a job working directly at Amazon. Once there, he learned a third-party firm employed him and had placed him in a contract position at an Amazon warehouse. He was later fired without warning, leaving him to languish in a squalid bunkhouse.
Mansur, now back home in Nepal, told The Guardian that while he was pleased to receive the reimbursement, he had already suffered when moneylenders pressured his family to repay his loans. He said that Amazon should “give the money back to all other workers.”
“Wherever they work, whichever country they’re from, whatever work they do, if they’ve paid unnecessary fees to get a job, repay their money,” he said.
This story is based on reporting by Pramod Acharya and Michael Hudson for The Guardian. Read the full story here.
Practicing good data hygiene is critical for today’s businesses. With everything from operational efficiency to cybersecurity readiness relying on the integrity of stored data, having confidence in your organization’s data cleanliness policy is essential.
But what does this involve, and how can you ensure your data cleanliness policy checks the right boxes? Luckily, there are practical steps you can follow to ensure data accuracy while mitigating the security and compliance risks that come with poor data hygiene.
Understanding the 6 dimensions of data cleanliness
It doesn’t matter where your company data is sourced — without addressing its quality and accuracy, you won’t be able to rely on it. To create the right data cleanliness policy, you’ll need to understand its different dimensions. These include:
Accuracy: Identifies to what extent data can be trusted and is free from errors. This requires specific validation protocols and compliance with data collection standards.
Completeness: Signifies whether or not collected data provides clear answers to certain questions. It involves evaluating any missing data attributes and recognizing any apparent gaps.
Consistency: Checks that data is properly mirrored when stored in multiple databases and represented by a percentage of matched values.
Validity: Refers to data adherence against predefined rules or formats. It helps eliminate the violation of logical constraints or data type restrictions.
Uniqueness: Makes sure all data types reference the same units of measure or support formats to remove the possibility of information overlapping or duplication across data sets.
Timeliness: Represents the degree to which data remains up-to-date. This ensures data is accessible when it’s required so it can be used properly.
Once you have a grasp on these six core elements, you’re ready to move forward with crafting your data cleanliness policy.
The first step to take when creating a data cleanliness policy is to define all appropriate business objectives. Any specific data sets or systems and the intended use of the information within them should be clearly outlined.
This step also involves considering often-overlooked data, including unused software logs, outdated emails and former customer records. If this information is forgotten about, it can lead to security issues down the road when they are left in unsecured locations.
Step 2: Classify data assets
With your policy scope defined, you’ll need to take inventory of all relevant data sources. Data assets can include various databases spread across multi-cloud environments, locally stored spreadsheets or any other areas where data is stored.
Classifying all data assets is another way to minimize forgotten data from compiling and creating high-value targets for cyber criminals. During this process, you’ll also want to categorize data based on its relative sensitivity or regulatory requirements. This will make it easier to implement the right access controls and data retention policies.
Step 3: Establish data quality standards
The data quality standards you develop for your policy should be measurable and easy to understand. To achieve this, you’ll need to lay out specific criteria for each data type, including the acceptable formats data should be in and any validation rules you have in place.
With your metrics in place, you’ll be able to regularly monitor their performance over time. Many times, regulatory requirements will stipulate that data needs to meet certain accuracy and completeness benchmarks. Having these trackable metrics in place provides the transparency needed to ensure these regulations are continuously being met.
Step 4: Assign roles and responsibilities
Establishing clear accountabilities is essential when managing organizational data. Your data cleanliness policy should define the various roles in your organization, including specifying who can access data and what levels of permission they have.
Controlling the amount of individuals who can access, modify or delete data is one of the most important elements of ensuring data integrity over the long term. It helps you to mitigate the danger of insider threats as well as establish clear lines of accountability if and when anomalies are located in data sets.
It is also common to make use of a data governance team that can help to implement and enforce various policy initiatives. These teams can reduce the likelihood of data inconsistency and help support various data security protocols in place.
Step 5: Implement data cleansing procedures
In the event that data issues are discovered, your policy should also cover necessary data correction procedures. This can include standardization, normalization or deduplication of data stored across systems.
Another supporting element of this process is having clear data retention and disposal policies in place. This helps to reinforce best practices when it comes to data lifecycle management. It also minimizes a digital attack surface, making it less likely that sensitive information is left in a vulnerable storage state, and helps to minimize damages in the event of a successful cyberattack.
Maintain healthier organizational data
Being able to rely on the accuracy and consistency of your company data is critical. Not only does data integrity play an important factor in improving the value of your technology investments, but it also helps to strengthen your cybersecurity posture.
By following the steps above, you’ll be able to draft a data cleanliness policy that allows you to maintain healthier organizational data while extracting its full value.
There has been significant resistance to extending the term of President Emmerson Mnangagwa beyond 2028 within Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF party. Mnangagwa, who has said repeatedly that he does not intend to extend his presidency beyond two terms, is facing internal party divisions, with some advocating for a Constitutional amendment to remove term limits.
In October this year Zanu PF Annual People’s Conference in Bulawayo has passed a resolution to perpetuate President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s rule beyond 2028 when his constitutionally permissible two terms come to an end.
While Mnangagwa has several paths to securing a third term, each scenario comes with significant risks, including domestic unrest, weakened democratic institutions, and international isolation. The approach he chooses will depend on the political landscape, the strength of opposition forces, and his ability to consolidate power within ZANU-PF and state institutions.
The ED2030 slogan has not only left ordinary Zimbabweans on the edge but has also divided opinion among party activists. The move, however, is reportedly opposed by the military and war veterans.
The 21st annualconference of Zanu PF has started with a Politburo meeting at the party headquarters, with discussions on leadership issues and possible term extensions expected.
President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe, who secured his second term in the 2023 elections, is constitutionally limited to two five-year terms. Despite this, there is growing speculation and internal lobbying within the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) for him to pursue a third term.
For Mnangagwa to seek a third term, constitutional changes would be necessary. This would involve repealing or altering the current two-term limit, a process that requires significant political maneuvering and legislative approval. Notably, ZANU-PF has passed resolutions supporting the extension of presidential terms, indicating a willingness to pursue such amendments.
Party Support: Mnangagwa’s inner circle is actively lobbying for a third term, reflecting internal party dynamics favoring the extension of his presidency.
Reasons Behind the Push for a Third Term:
Power Consolidation:Mnangagwa’s tenure has been marked by efforts to consolidate power, and a third term would further entrench his leadership and the dominance of ZANU-PF. This continuation could suppress emerging opposition and maintain the status quo.
Economic and Political Stability: Extending Mnangagwa’s presidency could provide continuity, which they believe is essential for implementing long-term economic policies and maintaining political stability.
Personal Ambitions and Legacy:Like many long-serving leaders, Mnangagwa may be driven by a desire to leave a lasting legacy, viewing a prolonged tenure as an opportunity to shape Zimbabwe’s future according to his vision.
Challenges and Considerations:
Constitutional Legitimacy: Amending the constitution to allow a third term could face legal challenges and would likely require a national referendum, posing significant hurdles.
Public Opinion: There is potential for public resistance, as citizens may view the move as undermining democratic principles, leading to civil unrest or increased support for opposition movements.
International Relations: Pursuing a third term could attract criticism from the international community, potentially resulting in diplomatic isolation or economic sanctions, further impacting Zimbabwe’s economy.
In conclusion, while there is a concerted effort within ZANU-PF to facilitate President Mnangagwa’s bid for a third term, significant constitutional, legal, and societal obstacles remain. The success of such a bid would depend on navigating these challenges and gauging the broader implications for Zimbabwe’s democratic institutions and international standing.
f President Emmerson Mnangagwa were to pursue and secure a third term in office, the move could have profound and potentially negative implications for democracy in Zimbabwe:
1. Erosion of Constitutionalism
Weakening of Term Limits: Allowing Mnangagwa to extend his presidency beyond the constitutional two-term limit would undermine the principle of term limits, a key safeguard against authoritarianism. This could set a precedent for future leaders to manipulate the constitution for personal gain.
Loss of Credibility: The constitution would lose its integrity as a foundational document if amendments are perceived as serving the interests of the ruling elite rather than the public good.
2. Concentration of Power
Strengthened Executive Authority: A third term would further consolidate power in the executive branch, marginalizing other institutions like the judiciary and parliament.
Suppression of Opposition: The move would likely be accompanied by increased repression of opposition parties and dissenting voices to secure Mnangagwa’s continued rule.
3. Decline in Electoral Integrity
Elections as Formalities: With term limits removed, elections could become symbolic exercises rather than genuine democratic contests, as the ruling party tightens its grip on the electoral process.
Public Disillusionment: Citizens may lose faith in the electoral system, viewing it as rigged to favor the incumbent, leading to voter apathy or unrest.
4. Increased Risk of Authoritarianism
Dynastic Tendencies: Prolonged rule by Mnangagwa could foster a culture of “strongman politics,” reducing Zimbabwe’s chances of transitioning to a pluralistic and inclusive political system.
Suppression of Civil Liberties: The government might resort to more draconian measures to maintain control, further curtailing freedoms of speech, assembly, and the press.
5. Weakening of Democratic Institutions
Partisan Institutions: Key state institutions, including the judiciary and electoral bodies, could become increasingly partisan, eroding their independence and accountability.
Rule of Law Undermined: Constitutional amendments driven by personal or political motives could diminish the rule of law, making it subservient to political expediency.
6. Potential for Civil Unrest
Public Backlash: Moves to extend Mnangagwa’s rule could provoke widespread protests, particularly among younger and urban populations disillusioned with the lack of democratic progress.
Heightened Political Tensions: An extended presidency might exacerbate divisions within the country, including within ZANU-PF, where rival factions may challenge Mnangagwa’s authority.
7. Impact on International Relations
Loss of Credibility Abroad: Zimbabwe’s reputation as a democratic state would suffer, potentially leading to greater isolation from Western democracies and international organizations.
Economic Consequences: Sanctions and reduced foreign investment could follow, further weakening the country’s struggling economy and exacerbating public dissatisfaction.
8. Precedent for the Region
Ripple Effects in Southern Africa: If Mnangagwa succeeds in extending his term, it could embolden other leaders in the region to seek similar changes, undermining democratic norms across Southern Africa.
Conclusion
Pursuing a third term would likely accelerate the erosion of democratic principles in Zimbabwe, entrench authoritarian practices, and deepen public distrust in governance. While it might solidify Mnangagwa’s control in the short term, it risks long-term instability, economic decline, and the further marginalization of Zimbabwe on the global stage.
Several foreign actors may have vested interests in Emmerson Mnangagwa securing a third term in office. These interests are shaped by geopolitical considerations, economic partnerships, and regional dynamics:
1. China
Economic Interests:
China has significant investments in Zimbabwe, particularly in mining, infrastructure, and agriculture. Mnangagwa’s continued leadership ensures policy continuity and a favorable environment for Chinese enterprises.
Zimbabwe’s rich natural resources, such as platinum and lithium, are critical to China’s strategic economic goals, including its global supply chains.
Strategic Partnership:
Beijing values Mnangagwa’s support for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and his government’s alignment with China’s development model, which prioritizes state-led growth over Western-style liberal democracy.
2. Russia
Military and Resource Ties:
Russia has developed close ties with Zimbabwe in areas like military cooperation and resource extraction, including mining. Mnangagwa’s leadership provides Moscow with a stable partner to expand its influence in Southern Africa.
Political Alignment:
Zimbabwe’s alignment with Russia on key international issues, including support for Russia in the United Nations, makes Mnangagwa’s continued rule advantageous for Moscow.
3. South Africa
Regional Stability:
As Zimbabwe’s neighbor and largest trading partner, South Africa has a vested interest in stability. Mnangagwa’s leadership, while controversial, might be viewed as less destabilizing compared to a potential leadership vacuum or a contested transition.
Migration Concerns:
South Africa already faces challenges from Zimbabwean migrants fleeing economic hardships. A power struggle or instability could exacerbate migration pressures, something Pretoria seeks to avoid.
4. United Arab Emirates (UAE)
Resource Access:
The UAE has shown interest in Zimbabwe’s gold and other natural resources. Mnangagwa’s government has facilitated agreements that allow UAE companies to operate in Zimbabwe, creating a mutually beneficial relationship.
Political Influence:
The UAE may prefer a leader like Mnangagwa who can maintain centralized control, ensuring predictability for its business ventures.
5. African Union (AU) and Southern African Development Community (SADC)
Avoiding Precedents of Instability:
Both the AU and SADC prioritize stability and may support Mnangagwa as a means of avoiding potential conflict or political turmoil in Zimbabwe, which could destabilize the region.
6. Emerging Actors: India and Turkey
Expanding Influence:
Both India and Turkey are seeking to deepen their presence in Africa. Mnangagwa’s continued leadership offers an opportunity to build on existing relationships and expand their economic and diplomatic footprints in Zimbabwe.
Key Motivations of Foreign Actors
Economic Gain: Access to Zimbabwe’s abundant natural resources, including gold, platinum, and lithium.
Geopolitical Leverage: Strengthening alliances in Africa to counter Western influence.
Stability Over Democracy: Prioritizing stable, predictable governance over democratic reforms to protect investments and regional interests.
Conclusion
While Western democracies may view a third term for Mnangagwa as a setback for democracy, actors like China, Russia, and the UAE likely see it as an opportunity to maintain favorable relations and secure their economic and strategic interests in Zimbabwe. Regional players like South Africa may prioritize stability, even if it comes at the expense of democratic principles.
Securing a third term for President Emmerson Mnangagwa in Zimbabwe would likely require strategic political maneuvering, constitutional changes, and suppression of opposition. Below are potential scenarios through which Mnangagwa might secure a third term:
1. Constitutional Amendment
Legal Changes:
The ruling ZANU-PF party could push for an amendment to the constitution to remove or extend the presidential term limits.
With ZANU-PF’s parliamentary majority, they could achieve the two-thirds vote required to pass such an amendment.
Referendum Option:
Alternatively, the government could call for a national referendum, presenting the amendment as necessary for “stability” or “continuity.”
Challenges:
Resistance from opposition parties and civil society.
Risk of backlash from the international community, which may impose sanctions or withdraw support.
2. Judicial Intervention
Court Ruling on Term Limits:
Mnangagwa could leverage the judiciary to interpret term limits in a way that allows him to run again, possibly arguing that his first term under the new constitution (post-2018) doesn’t count toward the limit.
Influence Over Judiciary:
Zimbabwe’s judiciary has faced accusations of partisanship, and Mnangagwa’s administration could use this to its advantage.
Challenges:
Loss of public trust in judicial independence.
Potential for civil unrest if the public perceives the ruling as illegitimate.
3. ZANU-PF Internal Consolidation
Party Endorsement:
Mnangagwa could secure ZANU-PF’s internal support by rallying key factions, sidelining rivals, and promising benefits to influential party members.
Crushing Dissent:
Any internal opposition, such as factions loyal to Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, could be suppressed through political or legal means.
Challenges:
Risk of factional splits within ZANU-PF.
Weakened internal unity could lead to instability.
4. Manipulation of Electoral Processes
Election Engineering:
The regime could manipulate the electoral process, ensuring Mnangagwa’s victory regardless of constitutional constraints.
Tactics could include voter intimidation, suppression of opposition campaigns, and control over electoral commissions.
Post-Election Legitimization:
Following the election, ZANU-PF could argue that the “will of the people” supersedes constitutional term limits.
Challenges:
Loss of credibility in the electoral system.
Risk of mass protests or violent backlash from opposition supporters.
5. National Emergency or Crisis Justification
State of Emergency:
Mnangagwa could declare a national emergency, citing economic challenges, political unrest, or foreign interference, to justify extending his term without elections.
Delaying Elections:
Using a crisis as a pretext, elections could be postponed indefinitely, allowing Mnangagwa to remain in power.
Challenges:
Requires significant control over security forces and public perception.
Could lead to international condemnation and domestic unrest.
6. International Support or Neutralization of Opposition
Foreign Backing:
Leveraging relationships with key international allies like China, Russia, or South Africa to legitimize his continued rule.
Co-Opting Opposition:
Weakening or dividing the opposition through financial inducements, arrests, or propaganda campaigns.
Challenges:
Maintaining foreign support while avoiding alienation from Western powers and international organizations.
7. Popular Campaign for Continuity
Public Relations Effort:
Launching a campaign to portray Mnangagwa as the indispensable leader who can maintain stability and economic progress.
Mobilizing grassroots support through ZANU-PF structures and allied organizations.
Challenges:
Convincing a population increasingly disillusioned by economic hardships.
Risk of public resistance or opposition-led counter-campaigns.
The war unleashed by Russia almost three years ago in Ukraine is rightly recognized as one of the great crimes of the twenty-first century. Understandably, little attention has been paid so far to the impact the conflict is having on Ukraine’s international image. And yet amid the trauma and horror of Russia’s invasion, there are growing signs that the unprecedented media spotlight on Ukraine since 2022 is gradually helping to transform global perceptions of the country. As a result, Ukraine is now finally emerging from a prolonged period of international obscurity that has hindered the country’s progress for centuries.
International ignorance of Ukraine has been a feature since long before the country regained independence in 1991. Following the Soviet collapse, little was done to address this lack of outside awareness or strengthen Ukraine’s national brand in the global arena. This low profile helped set the stage for Russia’s disinformation efforts, with foreign audiences often prepared to believe all manner of outlandish lies about a country that was otherwise unknown to them. Thanks to the recent media focus on Ukraine, Kremlin propagandists are now finding that their distortions are not so readily accepted. This is an ongoing process, but it is already possible to identify a number of important facts about Ukraine that have taken root in the international consciousness since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion.
1. Ukraine is not Russia
The fact that Ukraine is not Russia may seem insultingly obvious when viewed from a Ukrainian perspective, but in reality this was the fundamental image problem facing the country in 2022. Indeed, it is no coincidence that on the eve of the full-scale invasion, Vladimir Putin published an entire essay denying the legitimacy of a separate Ukrainian state on the grounds that Ukrainians are actually Russians (“one people”).
Putin did not invent this narrative of Ukraine denial himself. His predecessors have been insisting that Ukraine is an inalienable part of Russia since at least the eighteenth century, and have ruthlessly manipulated the historical record to support their arguments. Throughout the Tsarist and Soviet eras, anyone attempting to counter this Great Russian narrative or highlight Ukraine’s long statehood struggle was treated as a dangerous heretic subject to the harshest of punishments.
For generations, Russia was able to impose its imperial propaganda on international audiences, with Ukrainians silenced and Ukraine misleadingly portrayed as an intrinsic part of Russia’s own historical heartlands. It was therefore understandable that when an independent Ukraine appeared on the map in 1991, many had trouble distinguishing it from Russia. This created much confusion and went some way to legitimizing subsequent Russian attempts to reassert its authority over Ukraine.
The full-scale invasion has changed all that. Since February 2022, international perceptions of the relationship between Russia and Ukraine have undergone a radical transformation as global audiences have witnessed the ferocity of the Russian attack and the determination of Ukraine’s national defense. The war unleashed by Vladimir Putin has killed hundreds of thousands and shattered millions of lives; it has also finally buried the Kremlin myth of Russians and Ukrainians as “one people.” As the invasion approaches the three-year mark, it is now safe to say that anyone who continues to insist on the indivisibility of Russia and Ukraine is either acting in bad faith, or is so stunningly ignorant that their opinion can be disregarded.
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2. Ukraine is huge
Prewar Ukraine’s low international profile encouraged many to imagine the country as an obscure and irrelevant statelet whose fate mattered little to the wider world. Meanwhile, very few people seemed to appreciate that Ukraine was in fact the largest country wholly in Europe. That is no longer the case. Throughout the past three years, the map of Ukraine has featured relentlessly in the international press. Even casual observers have grown familiar with the outline of the country, and cannot have failed to notice how large it looms over its European neighbors.
Media coverage of battlefield developments has also helped to emphasize the sheer size of Ukraine. Despite regular war reports of major offensives and record advances, the overall picture of the front lines has changed little since the first year of the war, underlining the comparative vastness of Ukraine. While Ukraine may still appear small when compared to Russia, it is a huge country by European standards. Growing awareness of this fact is helping to shape perceptions of Ukraine’s geopolitical significance.
3. Ukraine is an agricultural superpower
Prior to 2022, Ukraine was probably best known to many around the world as the site of the Chornobyl disaster. Associations with the world’s worst nuclear accident were particularly unfortunate as Ukraine is anything but a radioactive wasteland. In reality, the country’s real claim to fame is as the breadbasket of Europe. Ukraine’s fabled black soil is among the most fertile land in the entire world, making much of the country a giant garden of agrarian abundance.
Since 2022, Russia’s invasion has helped educate international audiences about Ukraine’s crucial role in global food security. Extensive media coverage of Russia’s Black Sea naval blockade has highlighted the importance of Ukrainian agricultural exports, with disruption caused by Moscow’s interference leading to famine fears in Africa and price hikes on basic foodstuffs throughout the West. Growing awareness of Ukraine’s status as an agricultural superpower has undermined Kremlin efforts to portray the ongoing invasion as a strictly local affair, and has mobilized international opposition to the war.
For decades, international perceptions of Ukraine were plagued by lazy cliches depicting the country as a terminally corrupt backwater on the vodka-soaked fringes of Eastern Europe. These deeply unflattering caricatures of Ukrainian stagnation were always misleading. They are now also hopelessly outdated. Since 2022, Ukraine has demonstrated that it is a sophisticated high tech nation capable of more than holding its own in the most technologically advanced war the world has ever seen. Ukraine’s ability to develop, deploy, and update its own domestically-produced weapons systems on an almost daily basis has done much to debunk the negative stereotypes of old and establish the country’s reputation as a leading innovation hub.
Ukrainian defense tech companies have been responsible for a string of particularly innovative battlefield solutions that have caught the eye of global defense industry giants and helped Ukraine even up the odds against the country’s far larger and wealthier enemy. For example, ground-breaking Ukrainian marine drones have turned the tide in the Battle of the Black Sea and forced Russia’s entire fleet to retreat from Crimea, while Ukrainian long-range drones routinely strike targets deep inside Russia. As a result, “Made in Ukraine” is now recognized as a stamp of quality throughout the international security sector. This image transformation is already attracting international investors and will shape Ukraine’s economic development for decades to come, with the country’s defense industry and broader tech sector set to be in high demand.
5. Ukraine is united
The full-scale invasion has seriously undermined longstanding Russian efforts to portray Ukraine as a country irrevocably split along geographical and ideological lines. The narrative of a divided Ukraine has been a mainstay of Kremlin propaganda since the Soviet era, and has been central to the disinformation that has accompanied the escalating Russian aggression of the past two decades. For many years, this crude oversimplification of Ukraine’s regional complexities proved superficially persuasive among international audiences, but it has been decisively debunked by Ukraine’s united response to Russia’s full-scale invasion.
Ukrainians across the country have overwhelmingly rallied in opposition to the invading Russians, with residents in supposedly “pro-Russian” cities such as Odesa and Kharkiv proving no less determined to defend themselves and their homes. This is not to say that regional diversity is no longer a feature in today’s Ukraine, of course. On the contrary, Ukraine remains just as subject to regional differences as any other large European nation. However, the Russian invasion has shattered the myth of a terminally divided Ukraine and proved beyond any reasonable doubt that the vast majority of Ukrainians bitterly oppose the idea of a Russian reunion.
Peter Dickinson is editor of the Atlantic Council’s UkraineAlert service.
Further reading
UkraineAlert Nov 18, 2024
Imposing neutrality on Ukraine will not stop Putin or bring peace to Europe
By Mykola Bielieskov
Imposing neutrality on Ukraine will not bring about a durable peace in Europe. On the contrary, it would leave Ukraine at Putin’s mercy and set the stage for a new Russian invasion, writes Mykola Bielieskov.
Putin’s quiet Syrian surrender reveals the weakness behind his intimidation tactics
By Peter Dickinson
Vladimir Putin’s inability to save his Syrian ally Bashar Assad is a timely reminder that Russia is far weaker than many appreciate and Western fears of Kremlin escalation are wildly exaggerated, writes Peter Dickinson.
Why Finland thinks Finlandization is a bad idea for Ukraine
By Minna Ålander
Some believe the Finlandization of Ukraine is the most realistic option to end Russia’s invasion, but any attempt to impose neutrality would leave Ukraine in a precarious position, writes Minna Ålander.
The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.
The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.
Ukraine has long identified membership of NATO and the European Union as its twin geopolitical objectives as it looks to achieve an historic turn to the West. With seemingly little prospect of an invitation to join NATO while the war with Russia continues, the Ukrainian government will be hoping to advance further on the road toward EU integration in 2025. Progress in the country’s EU bid is realistic, but Kyiv will likely face a series of obstacles during the coming year, both domestically and on the international stage.
Ukraine’s EU aspirations first began to take shape in the aftermath of the country’s 2004 Orange Revolution. However, the European Union initially showed little sign of sharing this Ukrainian enthusiasm for closer ties. Instead, it took nine years for Brussels and Kyiv to agree on the terms of an Association Agreement that aimed to take the relationship forward to the next level.
When the Association Agreement was finally ready to sign in late 2013, Russia intervened and pressured Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych to pull out. This led to protests in Kyiv, which then spiraled into a popular uprising following heavy-handed efforts to disperse students rallying in support of EU integration. The Revolution of Dignity, as it came to be known, reached a bloody climax in February 2014 with the murder of dozens of protesters in central Kyiv. In the aftermath of the killings, Yanukovych fled to Russia.
Yanukovych’s successor, Petro Poroshenko, signed the EU Association Agreement months later. By then, Putin had already decided to intervene militarily, seizing control of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula and sparking a war in eastern Ukraine. This was the start of an undeclared Russian war against Ukraine that would eventually lead to the full-scale invasion of 2022.
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As the world watches the Russian invasion of Ukraine unfold, UkraineAlert delivers the best Atlantic Council expert insight and analysis on Ukraine twice a week directly to your inbox.
As Russian troops approached Kyiv during the opening days of the invasion in February 2022, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy officially applied for EU membership. This gesture underlined the historical significance of the country’s European choice at a time when Moscow was openly attempting to force Ukraine permanently back into the Kremlin orbit.
Amid the horrors of Europe’s largest invasion since World War II, EU officials and individual member states also recognized the importance of Ukraine’s European integration. In June 2022, Ukraine was granted EU candidate status. This was followed in late 2023 by a decision to start membership accession negotiations, with talks beginning in June 2024.
The dramatic progress made since 2022 has led to growing confidence in Ukraine that EU membership is a realistic goal for the country. It is certainly a popular option. The number of Ukrainians who back joining the EU has been rising steadily since the 2014 Revolution of Dignity, with recent polls consistently indicating that more than three-quarters of Ukrainians would like to see the country as part of the EU.
This overwhelming public support means there is unlikely to be any shortage of political will in Kyiv to adopt the policies that will bring Ukraine closer to achieving EU membership. Nevertheless, the pathway forward is complex and demanding. Effective governance reforms, particularly in the fight against corruption, are essential for Ukraine’s EU aspirations. Aligning with EU legal standards across 35 policy areas including taxation, energy, and judicial reform will also require a monumental effort.
Ukraine will be hoping for an accelerated period of EU integration progress when Poland takes on the six-month rotating presidency of the European Council in January 2025. This follows on from a Hungarian presidency that brought few benefits for Ukraine, and should create favorable conditions for constructive engagement on key reform issues.
Looking ahead, Ukraine’s EU bid is likely to encounter additional obstacles and headwinds as the prospect of membership draws nearer. Ukraine’s agricultural prowess in particular is set to present both opportunities and challenges. Ukraine is already a major exporter of agricultural products to the EU. If the country is able to join the single market and eliminate existing barriers including tariffs and quotas, this would potentially overwhelm European markets.
Increased Ukrainian grain exports to the EU since 2022 have already become a controversial issue in many EU member states, sparking protests and border blockades. This opposition will only grow in the coming few years, with EU farmers pressing their governments to act in their interests and prevent Ukraine from achieving unrestricted access.
Labor flows of Ukrainian workers may also create some concerns among existing EU members. While millions of Ukrainians are already living and working in the EU including many with refugee status, membership could lead to an influx similar to the large number of Poles who moved to other EU member states following Poland’s 2004 EU accession. To address these concerns, transition periods may be necessary.
How soon could Ukraine achieve EU membership? EU Ambassador to Ukraine Katarína Mathernová has expressed confidence that Ukraine could join by the end of the decade. This was echoed by EU Commissioner for Enlargement Oliver Varhelyi, who stated in October that Ukraine could potentially secure membership by 2029 if it completes the necessary reforms.
Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has underscored the nation’s determination to achieve fast-track integration. While there is strong support for Ukraine’s membership bid in most EU capitals, the accession process is rigorous and requires unanimous approval. Further progress is likely in 2025, but the road to full membership remains long and challenging.
Kateryna Odarchenko is a partner at SIC Group Ukraine.
Further reading
UkraineAlert Nov 18, 2024
Imposing neutrality on Ukraine will not stop Putin or bring peace to Europe
By Mykola Bielieskov
Imposing neutrality on Ukraine will not bring about a durable peace in Europe. On the contrary, it would leave Ukraine at Putin’s mercy and set the stage for a new Russian invasion, writes Mykola Bielieskov.
Putin’s Ukraine obsession began 20 years ago with the Orange Revolution
By Peter Dickinson
Vladimir Putin’s poisonous obsession with Ukraine first began to take root 20 years ago when millions of Ukrainians directly defied him during the Orange Revolution, writes Peter Dickinson.
Why Finland thinks Finlandization is a bad idea for Ukraine
By Minna Ålander
Some believe the Finlandization of Ukraine is the most realistic option to end Russia’s invasion, but any attempt to impose neutrality would leave Ukraine in a precarious position, writes Minna Ålander.
The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.
The Eurasia Center’s mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.
With 2025 on the horizon, it’s important to reflect on the developments and various setbacks that happened in cybersecurity this past year. While there have been many improvements in security technologies and growing awareness of emerging cybersecurity threats, 2024 was also a hard reminder that the ongoing fight against cyber criminals is far from over.
We’ve summarized this past year’s top five data breach stories and industry trends, with key takeaways from each that organizations should note going into the following year.
Billions of US citizens have private data exposed
On April 8, 2024, one of the largest personal data breaches took place, leading to nearly 3 billion US citizens having their information leaked on the dark web. Even more shocking was that all of this information came from only one source — National Public Data, a background check and fraud prevention service located in Coral Springs, Florida.
The stolen information collected contained names, social security numbers, home addresses and known relatives, and was listed on the dark web for sale for $3.5 million. Many of the victims were still unaware of the breach several months later, leading to several class action lawsuits filed by a dozen U.S. states. National Public Data has since then filed for bankruptcy.
Third-party breaches impact top 48 energy companies
A SecurityScorecard report revealed this year that 90% of the world’s top energy companies experienced data breaches that stemmed from third-party breaches. Many of these attacks were a direct result of increased reliance on cloud services and third-party integration to manage networked systems.
It was confirmed that out of the 264 individual breaches linked to third-party compromises, the MOVEit vulnerability was one of the major reasons for the issues. With critical infrastructure organizations playing a significant role in the health and well-being of citizens, these types of breaches continue to threaten public safety. The energy sector as a whole has since begun implementing stricter vendor assessments, continuous system and threat monitoring solutions and more secure data transfer protocols.
Financial firms face the highest data breach costs since the pandemic
According to the IBM Cost of a Data Breach 2024 report, the financial sector has seen a surge in data breach costs since the pandemic, reaching an average of $6.08 million per incident. While various attack types account for this increase, IT failures and simple human error account for a significant portion of the problem.
While certain improvements have been made in threat detection and containment timelines, many financial firms still have an uphill battle to climb. Larger-scale financial service breaches are now estimated to reach hundreds of millions of dollars in damages, leading many organizations to invest more in comprehensive identity and access management (IAM) solutions, AI-powered security solutions and dedicated incident response teams.
Average data breach cost increases 10% year-over-year
The global average cost of data breaches jumped 10% year-over-year between 2023 and 2024, with the latest figure reaching an alarming $4.88 million. The number represented by this average is driven by a number of factors, including lost business revenues, recovery costs and regulatory fines.
Complicating this ongoing trend, 40% of breaches recorded now involve data spread across multiple public and cloud environments and on-premises systems. These larger digital footprints average over $5 million in recovery costs with an average containment timeline of 283 days. Encouragingly, organizations that leverage AI-driven security workflows are experiencing a significantly lower average of $2.2 million per breach, pointing to a positive trend in next-generation security measures.
50% of data breaches tied to security staffing shortages
The cybersecurity skills gap widened over the last few years, with 50% of organizations experiencing data breaches reporting that they stemmed from staffing shortages. Skills shortages are specific to a wide range of critical areas, including cloud security and incident response, data analysis and compliance expertise. Another growing need for these impacted organizations is proficiency in security information and event management (SIEM) tools and active threat hunting.
In an ongoing effort to fill the key personnel gaps, it’s now recommended that organizations put a stronger focus on upskilling their existing workforce. Modern businesses can also leverage professional soft skills such as good communication and adaptability to help supplement and strengthen their security teams.
Moving into 2025
The past year has shown that while modern cybersecurity tools and solutions provide protection against a broader range of threats, very few industries and organizations are immune to cyber crime’s evolving nature.
As we move into 2025, enterprises should prioritize a proactive approach to cybersecurity planning. This includes optimizing their access restriction policies when operating with both in-house and remote teams, working to address any critical staffing shortages, and creating a stronger culture of security awareness within their organization.
