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Militarized Memory: The Strategic Role of May 9 in Contemporary Russian Statecraft

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As of April 2025, two European leaders—Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić—have confirmed their intention to attend Russia’s Victory Day celebrations in Moscow on May 9, marking the 80th anniversary of the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany. This decision stands in contrast to the broader European Union stance, which has largely distanced itself from such events following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. 

 Slovakia: Robert Fico’s Pro-Russian Alignment

Prime Minister Robert Fico has openly accepted President Vladimir Putin’s invitation, emphasizing the importance of honoring the Red Army’s role in defeating fascism. Fico stated that attending the celebrations is a gesture of respect for the historical truth about World War II and the Soviet Union’s contribution to the victory over Nazism. 

Since returning to power in 2023, Fico has taken a pro-Russian stance, halting military aid to Ukraine and advocating for peace talks with Russia. His government has faced criticism from the EU for these positions, which diverge from the bloc’s collective approach to the Ukraine conflict

🇷🇸 Serbia: Aleksandar Vučić’s Historical Emphasis

President Aleksandar Vučić of Serbia has also confirmed his attendance at the Victory Day parade, highlighting the significance of the event in commemorating the defeat of fascism. Vučić emphasized the shared historical ties between Serbia and Russia, noting the Soviet Union’s role in liberating Serbia during World War II. 

Serbia, while a candidate for EU membership, has maintained close relations with Russia, balancing its European aspirations with historical and cultural connections to Moscow.​

EU’s Position and Broader Context

The European Union has largely refrained from participating in Russia’s Victory Day celebrations since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas has urged member states to boycott the event, emphasizing solidarity with Ukraine and condemning Russia’s ongoing aggression.

The EU’s position reflects a broader effort to isolate Russia diplomatically and economically in response to its actions in Ukraine. Participation in the Victory Day parade by EU member states is seen as undermining this unified stance.​

1. The Role of May 9 in Memory Politics

  • Victory Day is part of a broader “state-sponsored memory regime”.
  • You could analyze how the Russian state manipulates historical memory to shape contemporary identity and loyalty.
  • Example: The government criminalizes “distorting the memory” of WWII. This shows that May 9 is not just a holiday—it’s state-protected ideology.

✅ 2. Victory Day and Authoritarian Resilience

  • Use it as a lens to explore authoritarian legitimation.
  • The rituals, parades, and symbols help shore up regime stability by:
    • Cultivating emotional loyalty.
    • Distracting from domestic problems (economic decline, sanctions, corruption).
    • Reinforcing Putin’s image as protector of Russia’s greatness.

✅ 3. Sociopolitical Role of the “Immortal Regiment” March

  • The grassroots-born “Бессмертный полк” (Immortal Regiment), where citizens march with portraits of WWII relatives, has been co-opted by the state.
  • What started as a personal act of remembrance has become a tool of state-managed patriotism.
  • Consider the tension between genuine grassroots memory and state appropriation.

✅ 4. Regional and International Variants of May 9

  • Many former Soviet states observe Victory Day differently now:
    • Ukraine shifted to May 8 and downplays Soviet symbols.
    • Baltic states treat Soviet “liberation” as occupation.
  • This creates a fractured memory space in the post-Soviet world, with Russia trying to maintain a dominant narrative.

✅ 5. Militarization of Culture

  • May 9 increasingly emphasizes military power over civilian loss.
  • Schoolchildren in military uniforms, tanks in parades, pro-war music videos—all show how the holiday helps normalize militarism in Russian society.
  • This matters in the context of the Ukraine war, where glorification of force is part of public opinion shaping.

✅ 6. Gender and Generational Messaging

  • You could add insight into how Victory Day communicates gender roles:
    • Strong men as soldiers and protectors.
    • Women as mothers and keepers of memory.
  • Also, it’s a bridge between older generations (who lived it or grew up with its stories) and younger ones who’ve only known Putin’s curated version.

Shift from Previous Years

Prior to 2022, Victory Day celebrations in Moscow were attended by various international leaders, including those from the EU. However, the geopolitical landscape has shifted dramatically due to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. The 2025 attendance of Fico and Vučić marks a departure from the EU’s collective approach, highlighting internal divisions and the challenges of maintaining a unified foreign policy. 

Implications and Consequences

  • Diplomatic StrainFico’s and Vučić’s attendance may strain relations with other EU member states and could be perceived as tacit approval of Russia’s actions in Ukraine. 
  • EU CohesionTheir participation underscores the difficulty of achieving consensus within the EU on foreign policy matters, particularly concerning Russia.​
  • Russian NarrativeRussia may leverage the presence of European leaders to bolster its narrative of legitimacy and international support amid ongoing sanctions and diplomatic isolation.​

In summary, the decision by Slovak and Serbian leaders to attend the 2025 Victory Day celebrations in Moscow reflects a complex interplay of historical ties, national interests, and divergent foreign policy approaches within Europe. Their participation contrasts with the broader EU stance and may have significant diplomatic repercussions. In summary, the decision by Slovak and Serbian leaders to attend the 2025 Victory Day celebrations in Moscow reflects a complex interplay of historical ties, national interests, and divergent foreign policy approaches within Europe. Their participation contrasts with the broader EU stance and may have significant diplomatic repercussions.

Recommendations for EU Authorities: Responding to European Leaders Visiting Moscow on May 9

1. Reaffirm the Common EU Position on Russia’s War in Ukraine

  • Publicly restate the EU’s united condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its continued attacks on civilians.
  • Clarify that participation in symbolic events in Moscow during wartime does not reflect the EU’s shared values and position.

2. Privately Engage with Slovakia and Serbia

  • Open diplomatic backchannels with Bratislava and Belgrade to express concern about the symbolism and political implications of their leaders’ attendance.
  • Emphasize the risk of eroding EU credibility and unity, especially in front of international partners and Ukraine.

3. Limit Strategic Exposure of Diverging States

  • Reassess intelligence-sharing, defense cooperation, and strategic alignment with member states that act contrary to the EU’s collective foreign policy.
  • Consider suspending participation of such countries in sensitive EU foreign affairs or defense forums until alignment is reaffirmed.

4. Highlight and Support Pro-European Voices

  • Publicly support civil society and political opposition figures within Slovakia and Serbia who advocate for EU integration and a principled stance toward Ukraine.
  • Increase visibility of EU humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine to reinforce the contrast between active support and political ambiguity.

5. Counter Russian Disinformation

  • Launch a targeted strategic communication campaign to undermine Kremlin propaganda that portrays these visits as evidence of European support or division.
  • Monitor Russian state media and respond with real-time rebuttals and clarification of EU positions.

6. Strengthen Sanction Enforcement and Expand Measures

  • Signal readiness to expand sanctions if Russia uses these visits to justify continued aggression or escalate hostilities.
  • Target Russian information operations and entities involved in orchestrating diplomatic events to manipulate Western divisions.

7. Engage the Public and Media in EU States

  • Equip EU missions and spokespeople with clear messaging that explains:
    • Why the visits are problematic.
    • How they differ from traditional diplomatic norms.
    • What the EU is doing to maintain unity and stand by Ukraine.

8. Clarify Serbia’s Accession Path

  • Use the event as a catalyst for revisiting Serbia’s EU accession trajectory, conditioning future progress on alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).
  • Encourage closer scrutiny of Belgrade’s strategic partnerships with authoritarian powers.

Key Risks to Address:

  • Perception of EU disunity, weakening Brussels’ diplomatic clout.
  • Normalization of relations with Russia while war continues.
  • Russian exploitation of symbolic participation to rally domestic and Global South support.

Desired Outcomes:

  • Preserve the EU’s moral authyority and strategic cohesion.
  • Support Ukraine by preventing geopolitical ambiguity.
  • Send a clear signal to Russia and the international community that divergence from EU consensus has political consequences.

Would you like this structured as a brief policy memo or formatted into presentation slides as well?

Victory Day (День Победы) in Russia, is immensely important for several interwoven historical, political, and symbolic reasons.

3. Legitimacy of the State and the Military

  • Since Putin’s rise, 9 May has become a platform to showcase Russia’s military might through massive parades—especially the one on Red Square.
  • The state links modern Russia’s legitimacy to the USSR’s victory, presenting itself as the rightful heir to the legacy of defeating fascism.
  • It allows the government to cast itself as the defender of peace and stability, even while engaging in war.

4. Narrative Control – Then and Now

  • The Kremlin uses Victory Day to frame current events through the WWII lens—such as:
    • Calling Ukraine “fascist” to justify military actions.
    • Drawing comparisons between WWII and today’s geopolitical struggles.
  • It’s a powerful tool for propaganda and messaging, both domestically and internationally.

🌍 5. Diplomatic Signaling

  • Who attends the Moscow parade—or doesn’t—is read as a signal of support, neutrality, or disapproval of Russia’s policies.
  • For example:
    • After 2014 (Crimea), many Western leaders stopped attending.
    • In 2024, very few foreign leaders showed up due to the war in Ukraine—highlighting Russia’s growing isolation.
  • When leaders do come, Russia uses their presence as validation of its global importance and alliances (e.g., with post-Soviet states, China, or African partners).

Summary:May 9 isn’t just about remembering the past—it’s a carefully curated political ritual to glorify the military, promote loyalty to the state, justify foreign policy, and reassert Russia’s self-image as a fortress surrounded by enemies but undefeated.


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Restricting Russian Diplomatic Movement in the Schengen Zone: Counterintelligence Measure or Diplomatic Minefield?

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In response to growing concerns about Russian subversive and espionage activities in Europe, Poland and the Czech Republic have proposed limiting the movement of Russian diplomats across the Schengen areaThis initiative, emerging amidst heightened East-West tensions and Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine, raises critical questions about the balance between counterintelligence needs and the integrity of diplomatic protocols within the European Union.

1. Strategic Rationale for Restricting Movement

Curbing Intelligence Activity

  • Russian intelligence agencies (GRU, SVR, FSB) frequently operate under diplomatic cover. The freedom of movement across 27 Schengen states grants these operatives a broad operational theater.
  • Restricting movement would hamper coordination, limit access to targets (including dissidents, critical infrastructure, and dual-use technologies), and disrupt intelligence logistics networks.

Preventing Subversive Campaigns

  • Russian diplomats have allegedly facilitated disinformation, political interference, and cyber coordination across Europe.
  • Limiting their physical mobility could disrupt these multi-state efforts, especially in smaller or less-secure EU members that lack robust counterintelligence resources.

2. Historical Precedents

Cold War Examples

  • During the Cold War, both NATO and Warsaw Pact countries routinely restricted Soviet and American diplomats to designated zones, often within 40-50 km of their respective embassies.
  • The U.S. imposed “travel zones” for Soviet diplomats, requiring advance notification and denying access to sensitive areas like military bases or research hubs.
  • Similarly, Finland, Norway, and West Germany maintained partial movement restrictions on Soviet personnel, often reciprocal in nature.

Modern Contexts

  • After the Skripal poisoning in 2018, several countries expelled dozens of Russian diplomats and tightened security clearances.
  • The Czech Republic, after uncovering GRU operations behind the 2014 Vrbětice arms depot explosion, expelled 18 Russian diplomats and restructured its diplomatic staffing quotas.

These precedents show that restricting diplomatic access is not unprecedented and has legal and political foundations, particularly when tied to national security.

3. Pros of Limiting Movement

A. Security and Intelligence Benefits

  • Reduces the operational scope for Russian agents under diplomatic cover.
  • Increases the burden on Russian services to recruit non-official cover assets or rely on riskier local networks.
  • Forces Russian intelligence to focus on fewer geographic areas, making surveillance and disruption easier for host countries.

B. Political Signaling

  • Sends a clear message of zero tolerance for hostile activities, reinforcing EU unity against Russian aggression.
  • Demonstrates proactivity in protecting infrastructure, elections, and civil society from hybrid threats.

C. Encourages Reciprocity and Transparency

  • Could lead to a reassessment of Russian diplomatic staff numbers, addressing longstanding concerns over staff bloat and espionage.
  • Promotes reassessment of bilateral diplomatic parity—especially in smaller EU states where Russian missions are disproportionately large.

4. Cons and Challenges

A. Diplomatic Backlash and Retaliation

  • Russia is likely to respond by expelling EU diplomats or restricting access to European missions in Moscow.
  • Could escalate to a tit-for-tat dynamic, reducing the effectiveness of legitimate diplomacy and consular services.

B. Legal and Procedural Ambiguities

  • The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) guarantees freedom of movement, though host nations may limit movement for security reasons.
  • Legal frameworks in the EU may vary by country, leading to coordination challenges and inconsistent enforcement.

C. Possible Schengen Tensions

  • Some EU countries (e.g., France, Italy, Hungary) may view this policy as overly aggressive or unnecessary, threatening Schengen cohesion.
  • Requires unanimous or broad EU agreement to avoid creating “weak link” states through which Russian agents can still operate.

5. Potential Consequences

Short-Term

  • Decreased Russian intelligence mobility in Central Europe.
  • Diplomatic deterioration between Russia and EU/NATO states.
  • Public support in Poland and the Baltics, but mixed reactions elsewhere.

Medium-Term

  • Russia may diversify intelligence platforms, relying more on cyber tools, criminal networks, or proxy actors (e.g., Belarus).
  • Could prompt closer EU counterintelligence coordination through Europol, NATO, or an ad hoc task force.

Long-Term

  • Set a precedent for zoning protocols within Schengen space during geopolitical crises.
  • Shift toward a more securitized vision of diplomacy in Europe.
  • If successful, could encourage similar policies against other state actors engaged in hybrid warfare (e.g., China, Iran).

Limiting the movement of Russian diplomats across the Schengen Zone could serve as a powerful tool in Europe’s defensive posture against espionage and subversion. While it would likely provoke diplomatic retaliation and legal scrutiny, the move reflects the growing urgency to modernize European security doctrine in light of asymmetric threats. Historical precedent during the Cold War lends this proposal credibility, but its success will depend on unified EU enforcement, legal clarity, and strategic communication to avoid undermining the very democratic norms the policy aims to protect.

Actionable Policy Recommendations

EU institutions and national governments should 

  • Adopt a coordinated travel restriction policy for Russian diplomats across all Schengen states, ensuring uniform enforcement.
  • Create an EU-Russia Diplomatic Oversight Task Force  monitor the implementation and respond to violations.
  • Review staffing levels of Russian diplomatic missions to identify suspicious personnel and reduce overrepresentation in smaller EU states.
  • Establish clear legal justifications under the Vienna Convention (Article 26 + 29) for movement limitations, citing security threats.
  • Develop risk-based “sensitive zone maps” within the EU (e.g., military bases, critical infrastructure, cyber hubs), where all non-local diplomats must get authorization to enter.

✅ 2. Priority Countries and Phasing

Offer a roadmap with initial focus areas and phased rollout:

  • Phase 1 (Pilot): Poland, Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania – highly exposed, politically aligned.
  • Phase 2: Broader Central Europe + Baltic region.
  • Phase 3: Encourage France, Germany, Italy to adopt tailored restrictions based on their threat profiles.

This allows for regional momentum while navigating resistance from larger or more diplomatically cautious countries.

✅ 3. Legal and Diplomatic Safeguards

Anticipate pushback and ensure the plan is legally watertight and diplomatically sustainable:

  • Reaffirm commitment to diplomatic norms, limiting only for security purposes, not political retaliation.
  • Emphasize temporary or conditional nature of restrictions—subject to periodic review and reciprocity-based diplomacy.
  • Engage legal services of the European External Action Service (EEAS) to coordinate messaging with international partners.

✅ 4. Risk Mitigation Strategy

Prepare for blowback scenarios and offer contingency plans:

  • Reciprocal expulsions: Prepare support networks for EU diplomats facing Russian retaliation (e.g., in Moscow or consulates in Russian-allied countries).
  • Disinformation campaigns: Pre-position factsheets and narratives explaining the policy to the public.
  • Internal EU division: Create a high-level task force under the European Council or NATO-EU hybrid threats center to ensure unity and coherence.

✅ 5. Monitoring and Evaluation Framework

Propose mechanisms for tracking impact:

  • Establish a quarterly threat intelligence report assessing Russian diplomatic movements, operations disrupted, and cooperation levels.
  • Integrate findings into annual EU Security Strategy reviews.

Allow member states to report suspicious incidents via an EU fusion center under Europol or EEAS.


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Trump Keeps Falsely Claiming Ukraine Started the War With Russia

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On Sunday night, CBS’s 60 Minutes aired an interview featuring Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who once again deplored the fact that US officials have been promoting Russian disinformation about the war between the two countries. By Monday morning, President Donald Trump proved his point once more.

Through a translator, Zelenskyy told 60 Minutes correspondent Scott Pelley, “I believe, sadly, Russian narratives are prevailing in the US.”

“How is it possible to witness our losses and our suffering, to understand what the Russians are doing, and to still believe that they are not the aggressors, that they did not start this war?” he continued. “This speaks to the enormous influence of Russia’s information policy on America, on US politics, and US politicians.”

Referring to Trump’s claim that Zelenskyy is a “dictator” and the now-infamous February sit-down in the Oval Office, during which Trump and Vice President JD Vance berated Zelenskyy and demanded that he thank the United States for its support, Zelenskyy told Pelley: “It’s a shift in tone, a shift in reality…and I don’t want to engage in the altered reality that is being presented to me. First and foremost, we did not launch an attack [to start the war]. It seems to me that the vice president is somehow justifying [Russian President Vladimir] Putin’s actions.”

The comments appeared to trigger Trump, who took to his Truth Social platform Sunday night to lambast CBS for airing the interview. “They did not one, but TWO, major stories on ‘TRUMP,’ one having to do with Ukraine, which I say is a War that would never have happened if the 2020 Election had not been RIGGED, in other words, if I were President and, the other story was having to do with Greenland, casting our Country, as led by me, falsely, inaccurately, and fraudulently,” Trump wrote. “I am so honored to be suing 60 Minutes, CBS Fake News, and Paramount, over their fraudulent, beyond recognition, reporting.” (Trump is indeed suing the network and television show, alleging they deceptively edited an interview with former Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris to make her look better; CBS has said the lawsuit is “without merit.”)

Trump went on to argue that CBS “should lose their license” and urged his Federal Communications Commission chairman, Brendan Carr, to “impose the maximum fines and punishment, which is substantial, for their unlawful and illegal behavior.”

“CBS is out of control, at levels never seen before, and they should pay a big price for this,” Trump concluded.

For all his bluster, Trump managed to prove Zelenskyy’s point less than 24 hours after the CBS interview aired. In another early morning meltdown Monday, Trump wrote on Truth Social that the war is “Biden’s war, not mine,” adding, “President Zelenskyy and Crooked Joe Biden did an absolutely horrible job in allowing this travesty to begin.”

Still, the facts remain: It was Russia that invaded Ukraine in February 2022. Since then, Russian forces have committed war crimes and likely crimes against humanity, according to Amnesty International. One of those alleged crimes includes kidnapping and deporting Ukrainian children to Russia, for which the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for both Putin and another Russian official in March 2023. Russia’s aggression has continued, with Ukrainian civilians among the victims. Earlier this month, Russia launched a missile at a site near a Ukrainian playground, killing 19 people, including nine children. On Sunday, two Russian missiles reportedly hit the northern Ukrainian city of Sumy, killing 35 people and wounding 117 more, according to Ukrainian officials. Trump called that attack “terrible,” “a mistake,” and “a horrible thing” on Air Force One on Sunday, according to the White House Pool Report.

But by Monday, during remarks in the Oval Office alongside President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, Trump had reverted to his pro-Russia talking points, repeating the false claim that Ukraine started the war with Russia. “He’s always looking to purchase missiles,” Trump said of Zelenskyy. “Listen, when you start a war, you gotta know you can win the war. You don’t start a war against somebody that’s 20 times your size and then hope that people give you some missiles.”

At another point during that meeting, Trump insulted Zelenskyy’s intelligence, stating: “The mistake was letting the war happen. If Biden were competent and if Zelenskyy were competent—and I don’t know that he is, we had a rough session with this guy over here,” Trump said, referring to the February Oval Office blowup. “He just kept asking for more and more.”

Trump also propped up Putin while doubling down on the Big Lie that the 2020 election was stolen. “I went four years and Putin wouldn’t even bring it up. And as soon as the election was rigged and I wasn’t here, that war started, there was no way that war should have been allowed to happen, and Biden should have stopped it,” he said. “And you take a look at Putin. I’m not saying anybody’s an angel, but I will tell you I went four years and it wasn’t even a question. I told him, ‘Don’t do it, you’re not going to do it.’”

Let’s not forget, though, that for all of Trump’s claims that the war is not his problem, he promised that he would end it within 24 hours if he was reelected. More than—checks notes—2,000 hours later, the war is still raging while Trump spreads disinformation about who really started it.


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In ‘Tower Show,’ artists turn an old Gowanus water tank into something beautiful

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How much can a water tower mean to a neighborhood?

Quite a bit, according to the artists of Gowanus. Last weekend, Arts Gowanus opened its fourth annual “Tower Show,” featuring nearly 200 individual works of art all depicting the same object: the old water tower that serves as the org’s logo.

water tower art in gallery
The show features nearly 170 water tower concepts based off an 11”x17” template. Photo by Paul Frangipane

The premise of “Tower Show” is the same every year: artists purchase a $20 11” by 17” template of the water tower from Arts Gowanus and make it their own with their medium of choice. There are only two rules: they have to use the template, and the final piece can’t extend beyond the edges of the frame. 

When they’re done, the artists return their pieces to be displayed side-by-side, all for sale for $200.

This year’s exhibit, which opened for a two-weekend run at Gowanus Wharf on March 28, is the largest Tower Show yet, said Johnny Thornton, executive director of Arts Gowanus. The roughly 170 towers lining the walls of the space were decorated with all manner of materials — glass, tiles, fabric pieces, found materials, and more. 

water tower 3-D
One tower had been turned into an interactive flip book. Photo by Paul Frangipane
water tower close up
Some artists used sculptural elements and found objects in their pieces. Photo by Paul Frangipane

One had been turned into an interactive picture book, complete with miniature photos of Thornton and Arts Gowanus program director Emily Chiavelli, and local artist Tom Fruin set up one of his massive, colorful glass water towers in the exhibit as well. 

The show is sort of an homage to Arts Gowanus, and to the neighborhood’s roots. The org adopted a falling-down water tower at 420 Carroll St. as its logo years ago, and Thornton and Chiavelli have matching tattoos of the structure. 

“It’s like a kind of celebration of our neighborhood … and the arts community that’s in it,” Thornton said. “I’m very biased but I think we have the most wonderful arts community, it’s very collaborative, it’s a little bit like Sesame Street, Gowanus, it really is an arts and culture neighborhood.”

water tower tattoos
Chiavelli and Thornton share matching water tower tattoos. Photo by Paul Frangipane

It’s also a way for artists to show off their skills and style. 

“With everyone starting from the same point with the template, it really makes it very clear … the diversity of creativity that we have in the neighborhood,” Chiavelli said. 

Every year, artists go bigger and wackier with their ideas, she said, and they “really brought it this year.” 

The show was particularly fun, Thornton said, because of how large it was. After Arts Gowanus curated an exhibit at Union Channel — the first of three residential buildings at Gowanus Wharf — developers offered to let the org use the space until it gets rented out by another tenant. 

water towers
This year’s show was larger than ever. Photo by Paul Frangipane
the tower show
More than 170 pieces line the walls of the exhibit. Photo by Paul Frangipane

That allowed the org to accept many more artists than usual. Previously, the largest Tower Show had featured just about 50 artists, Thornton said. The 2025 version featured over 100 more. 

Carving out space for local artists in new luxury developments is a key part of Arts Gowanus’ work, Chiavelli said. Gowanus has long had a thriving arts scene, thanks to its industrial character and cheap studios. But the neighborhood has changed dramatically in recent years, forcing artists to abandon ship as rents crept up.

In 2021, the Gowanus rezoning promised even more change in the form of dozens of new residential buildings, like Union Channel. 

glass water tower
One of artist Tom Fruin’s glass water towers illuminates the exhibit. Photo by Paul Frangipane

“When we realized the rezoning was gonna happen, we really focused on advocacy to keep artists in the neighborhood and keep the neighborhood affordable for artists,” Chiavelli said.

In addition to working with developers to carve out spaces for exhibitions and public art, Arts Gowanus negotiated to have 11 buildings approved by the rezoning provide affordable artist studios. The lottery for the first six studios went live in January. 

“Tower Show” is on view for one more weekend, April 5-6, at Gowanus Wharf, 240 Third Ave., from 1-6 p.m.


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Russian Missile Strike Kills 12 in Ukraine Leader’s Home City

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Three of the killed were children.

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Federal Reserve Chief Says Trump Tariffs Likely to Raise Inflation and Slow U.S. Economic Growth

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Federal Reserve Powell

ARLINGTON, Va. — The Trump administration’s expansive new tariffs will likely lead to higher inflation and slower growth, and the Federal Reserve will focus on keeping price increases temporary, Fed Chair Jerome Powell said Friday.

Powell said in written remarks that the tariffs, and their impacts on the economy and inflation, are “significantly larger than expected.” He also said that the import taxes are “highly likely” to lead to “at least a temporary rise in inflation,” but added that “it is also possible that the effects could be more persistent.”

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“Our obligation is to … make certain that a one-time increase in the price level does not become an ongoing inflation problem,” Powell said in remarks being delivered in Arlington, Virginia.

Powell’s focus on inflation suggests that the Fed will likely keep its benchmark interest rate unchanged at about 4.3% in the coming months. That is likely to disappoint Wall Street investors, who now expect five interest rate cuts this year, a number that has increased since President Donald Trump announced the tariffs Wednesday.

Economists forecast that the tariffs will weaken the economy, possibly threaten hiring, and push up prices. In that scenario, the Fed could cut rates to bolster the economy, or it could keep rates unchanged — or even hike them — to combat inflation. Powell’s comments suggest the Fed will mostly focus on inflation.

Powell’s remarks come two days after Trump unveiled sweeping tariffs that have upended the global economy, prompted retaliatory moves by China, and sent stock prices in the U.S. and overseas plunging.

Weaker growth and higher prices are a tricky combination for the Fed. Typically the central bank would reduce its key interest rate to lower borrowing costs and spur the economy in the event of slower growth, while it would raise rates — or keep them elevated — to slow spending and combat inflation.

“The Fed is in a tough spot with inflation set to accelerate and the economy poised to slow,” said Kathy Bostjancic, chief economist at Nationwide.

Some positive news arrived Friday when the government reported that hiring accelerated in March, with 228,000 jobs added, though the unemployment rate ticked up to 4.2%, from 4.1%.

Yet those figures measure hiring in mid-March, before the scope of the duties became clear. The tariffs have also raised uncertainty about how the economy will fare in the coming months, which could limit businesses’ willingess to invest and hire.


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Ukraine War: Why are the Negotiations Stalling?

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A look at opinions from around Europe on why US-Russia / US-Ukraine peace negotiations are stalling.

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17 Candidates to Vie for Polish Presidency in Key Vote

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Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s centrist government will hope to end the awkward cohabitation it has been forced into with conservative President Andrzej Duda, who has repeatedly vetoed key reforms.

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Schumer Shocker: AOC Would Beat Senate Minority Leader by Double Digits, Poll Finds

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Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D., N.Y.) is leading Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer by nearly 20 percentage points in a potential 2028 New York primary showdown, according to a new poll.

A majority of likely Democratic voters, 55 percent, said they supported or leaned toward backing Ocasio-Cortez, while only 36 percent favored Schumer, Politico reported based on the poll by left-wing think tank Data for Progress.

The poll marks another setback for Schumer, who has struggled to quell intraparty backlash over his vote to advance a Republican-led funding bill to avert a government shutdown. At least two House Democrats have openly called for his ouster, arguing that he is not doing enough to counter the Trump administration. A third Democrat said that other members of the caucus want Schumer out but “just haven’t been asked directly or avoided the question.”

“This poll really does show that Democrats are united in just wanting to stand up, wanting to fight, wanting to see someone taking a stand for them,” Data for Progress executive director Danielle Deiseroth told Politico.

Several House Democrats have privately urged Ocasio-Cortez to launch a primary challenge against Schumer. Even some centrist Democrats are “so mad” at Schumer’s vote that they are “ready to write checks” to fund her campaign, CNN reported.

Ocasio-Cortez has yet to signal whether she will enter the race, while Schumer has already filed for reelection, according to Politico.

Schumer, first elected to the Senate in 1998, has seen his support erode in recent years. After securing a fourth term in 2016 by a comfortable 43-point margin, Schumer won reelection in 2022 by only around 13 points.

The post Schumer Shocker: AOC Would Beat Senate Minority Leader by Double Digits, Poll Finds appeared first on .


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Liberation?

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America’s new tariffs will trigger seismic geopolitical changes. Globalization will become a dirty word. Mercantilism will return.

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